
Book •C?'? 



PRFSKXTEU BY 



COLLECTION OF PAPERS 



PREPARED AND READ BEFORE THE 



Motceeter Society of Hntiquit^^* 



ELLERY BICKNELL CRANE. 



Collated and Printed for Private Distribution. 



WORCESTER, MASS. 
1903. 



E:ig7 



A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE VOYAGES OF 
SAMUEL CHAMPLAIN, AND HIS EXPE- 
RIENCES IN FOUNDING BOTH QUEBEC 
AND MONTREAL; ALSO OF THE PHIPS 
EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC AND 
THE REASONS FOR ITS FAILURE. 



Samuel de Champlain was the son of Antoine de Cham- 
plain, a captain in the marine, and his wife Marguerite 
le Roy. There appears to be no record of the exact day 
or even year of his birth. As near as can be ascertained 
he was born about the year 1567, in the village of Brouage 
in the ancient province of Saintonge. This village, of 
great antiquity, is situated in a low, marshy region on the 
southern bank of an inlet or arm of the sea, on the south- 
western shores of France, opposite to that part of the 
Island of Oleron, where it is separated from the mainland 
only by a narrow channel. 

From Champlain's birth throughout the whole period of 
his youth, and until he entered upon his manhood, the 
little town within whose walls he was reared was the fitful 
scene of war and peace, of alarm and conflict, caused by 
the civil contentions that raged in that province for a 
period of nearly forty years. During all these busy scenes 



the village of Brouage became a military post of consid- 
erable importance. The military and commercial enter- 
prise of the place brought the subject of our sketch into 
daily contact with men of the highest character in their 
several departments. Distinguished officers of the French 
army were frequently there, it being a rendezvous for the 
young nobility. It became more or less a training school for 
those entering the military profession, and gave young 
Champlain an opportunity for cultivating and acquiring 
that firmness and strength of character he so largely dis- 
played in after years. From his writings we must, however, 
infer that his education was rather limited and rudimentary, 
but through his associations with educated men he acquired 
a general knowledge of his native language, and became 
more or less proficient in the art of drawing. 

In his youth, and certainly during the early years of his 
manhood, he appears to have been engaged in practical 
navigation, for in his address to the Queen, he says, "Of 
all the most useful and excellent arts, that of navigation 
has always seemed to me to occupy the first place, for the 
more hazardous it is and the more numerous the perils and 
losses by which it is attended, so much the more it is es- 
teemed and exalted above all others, being wholly unsuited 
to the timid and irresolute. By this art we obtain knowl- 
edge of different countries, regions and realms; by it we 
attract and bring to our own land all kinds of riches; by 
it the idolatry of paganism is overthrown and Christianity 
proclaimed throughout all the regions of the earth. This 
is the art which from my early age has won my love and 
induced me to expose myself almost all my life to the im- 
petuous waves of the ocean, and led me to explore the 
coasts of a part of America, especially of New France 
where I have always desired to see the lily flourish, and 
also the only religion, Catholic, Apostolic and Roman. This 
I trust now to accomplish with the help of God, assisted by 
the favor of your majesty, whom I most humbly entreat 



to continue to sustain us, in order that all may succeed 
to the honor of God, the welfare of France, and the splendor 
of your reign, for the grandeur and prosperity of which I 
will pray God to attend you always with a thousand bles- 
sings." 

About the year 1592, he was appointed quartermaster in 
the royal army in Brittany, a province on the western 
coast of France, and continued in office until by the ])eace 
of Vervins in 1598, the authority of Henry the Fourth was 
firmly established throughout the kingdom. 

This war in Brittany was the closing scene of that might}- 
struggle which had been agitating the nation, wasting its 
resources and its best blood, for more than half a century. 
It began back in the decade following 1530, when the 
preaching of Calvin in the kingdom of Navarre began to 
make known his transcendent power. The new faith, which 
was making rapid strides in other countries, easily awakened 
the warm heart and active temperament of the French 
people. The effort to put down the movement by the ex- 
termination of those engaged in it proved quite unsuccessful. 
In the year 1599, Champlain was placed in command of 
the St. Julian, a large French ship of five hundred tons 
burden, which had been chartered by the Spanish authori- 
ties for a voyage to the West Indies. Sailing from St. 
Lucas in the early part of January, passing the Canaries, 
they touched at Guadaloupe, winding their way among the 
group called the Virgins, passed Margarita, then famous for 
pearl fisheries, and thence sailed to St. Juan de Portorico. 
From this point, Champlain coasted along the northern 
shore of the island of St. Domingo, and after touching the 
southern coast of Cuba they at length cast anchor in the 
harbor of San Juan d'Ulloa, the island fortress near Vera 
Cruz. While here Champlain made an inland journey to 
the City of Mexico, where he remained a month. Return- 
ing to his vessel he sailed to Havana, from which place 
he was commissioned to visit, on pubhc business. Carta- 



gena, within the present limits of New Grenada on the coast 
of South America. Returning to Havana he again set 
sail for Saint Lucas, reaching there early in March, 1601, 
after an absence from that port of a little more than two 
years. On Champlain's return to France he prepared an 
elaborate report of his observations and discoveries. This 
interesting document remained in manuscript two hundred 
and fifty-seven years, when it was first printed in London 
in an English translation, by the Hakluyt Society, in 1859. 
This valuable tract gave a lucid description of the peculiar- 
ities, manners and customs of the people; the soil, moun- 
tains and rivers; the trees, fruits and plants; the animals, 
birds and fishes; the rich mines found at different points; 
with frequent allusions to the system of colonial manage- 
ment; together with the character and sources of the vast 
wealth which these settlements were annually yielding to 
the Spanish crown. 

It was on this trip that he visited the Isthmus of Panama, 
and suggested that a ship canal across this Isthmus would 
be a work of great practical utility.* 

The ability displayed by Champlain in this report of his 
voyage among the Spanish colonies, caused his sovereign, 
Henry IV., to assign him a pension to enable him to reside 
near his person, and occupy a place within the charmed 
circle of the French nobility. While residing at court 
Champlain had abundant opportunity for observing the 
efforts at colonization on the coast of North America, and 
after frequent interviews with the famous commander, De 
Chastes, on the subject, the latter decided to send out an 
expedition to the northern portion of North America, which 
was then claimed by France, and invited the zealous Cham- 
plain to join the exploring party. The consent of the King 
was obtained by De Chastes for the young navigator to 
accompany the expedition, provided he should bring back 



*Now after the lapse of 300 years his suggestion of a ship canal across the IsthmuA 
has been revived with a prospect of realization. 



a faithful report of the voyage. March 15, 1603, the party 
set sail from Hornfleur for the New World. 

At this time no settlements had been established on the 
northern coasts of America, although these regions had been 
frequented by European fishermen under employment, who 
carried home only meagre information concerning the 
country along the shores they were permitted to coast. 
The two barques, of about fifteen tons each, with their 
passengers through the assistance of favorable winds 
soon reached the banks of Newfoundland; passing into 
the river St. I^awrence they left their vessels at Tadousac, 
a trading post, and proceeded up the stream in a small 
boat to a point above the present site of Montreal, 
casting anchor at the Falls of St. Louis. Excursions in 
various directions were made, enabling Champlain to note 
the general features of the country and make rude draw- 
ings or maps for a more full description of what they 
witnessed. After securing, through exchange, a valuable 
collection of furs from the Indians, who also exhibited 
specimens of native copper, the expedition prepared to 
return to France. But before the departure from Tadou- 
sac one of the sagamores asked that his son might accom- 
pany the party to France, there to see some of the wonders 
of the Old World. An Iroquois woman who had been 
captured in war and was about to be sacrificed as one of 
the victims at a cannibal feast, was also presented, as well 
as four other natives; and in the month of August the 
return trip was commenced, arriving at Havre on the 20th 
of September, after an absence of six months and six days. 
The report of this voyage, "Petit Discours," as Champlain 
called it, contained a very complete account of the character 
and products of the country, its trees, plants, fruits and 
vines; a description of the native inhabitants, their mode 
of living, clothing, food and its preparation, their banquets, 
religion and method of burying their dead; with many 
other particulars relating to their habits and customs. 



Although commander De Chastes did not live to witness 
the return of his expedition, the report brought by Cham- 
plain so interested Henry IV. that he promised to continue 
his royal favor and patronage on the undertaking. And 
in less than two months after the return of the De Chastes 
expedition the King granted a charter to a nobleman, De 
Monts by name, constituting him the King's Lieutenant in 
La Cadie, with all powers to establish a colonial settlement, 
De Monts's first grant included the territory lying be- 
tween the fortieth and forty-sixth degrees of north latitude; 
but finding the line not far enough north, it was extended 
so as to include the whole region of the gulf and river St. 
Lawrence. Soon the third exploring party in which 
Champlain took part was ready to sail, he having been 
invited by De Monts to attend this expedition in the same 
capacity as the previous one. April 7, 1604, the vessels 
sailed from Havre with about one hundred and twenty 
artisans, soldiers and laborers, for the purpose of establish- 
ing a French colony. On reaching the river St. Lawrence, 
while the principal portion of the fleet was employed in 
the fur trade with the Indians, Champlain was sent with 
a party to explore the coast towards the west, touching 
at various points along the shore; doubling Cape Sable they 
entered the Bay of Fundy, explored St. Mary's Bay and 
discovered several mines of both silver and iron. Return- 
ing to the fleet, Champlain made a minute report to De 
Monts. Later the latter with Champlain and a few attend- 
ants skirted the whole coast as far south as the river St. 
Croix, and fixed upon De Monts Island as the seat of their 
colony. In the autumn of 1604, Champlain was deputized 
with the command of a party to explore the coast still 
farther south. This trip occupied just one month, during 
which time a careful examination of the present coast of 
Maine was made and many places named by Champlaiq, 
one being Monts Deserts, which has been Anglicized into 
Mount Desert. 



8 

In June, 1605, Champlain headed another party for 
further exploration of the coast to the southward from De 
Monts Island, finding their way as far south as the present 
Nauset harbor, spending Saturday night July 16, in what 
is now Boston harbor. 

The place selected for the settlement of their colony had, 
through the winter months, proved to be exceedingly cold 
and uncomfortable, and these explorations southward were 
made with the hope of finding a more acceptable location 
in La Cadie than the region about the mouth of the St. 
Croix had furnished. September 5, 1606, another trip 
south was entered upon, reaching as far as the present 
Chatham and Martha's Vineyard ; returning, arrived at their 
late headquarters (Annapolis Basin), November 14, 1606. 
This was the last time Champlain trod the soil of New 
England. 

De Monts's colony was soon broken up and called home 
to France. But for three years Champlain had been faith- 
fully serving as geographer to his King, and in his charts, 
maps of the coast and rivers, together with his voluminous 
notes on customs, character and manners of the aborigines, 
cUmate of the country, etc., had produced a most valuable 
record, which proved to be the most careful and accurate 
survey of this region, down to the establishment of the 
Plymouth colony in 1620. 

On September 3, 1607, Champlain and his associates left 
the coast of La Cadie for France, reaching Saint Malo 
October 1. De Monts, still hoping to retrieve some of his 
lost fortune, obtained letters-patent from the King for ex- 
tensive right to trade in America for the space of one year; 
and fitting out two vessels for the trip, appointed Champlain 
lieutenant of the expedition. Leaving Hornfleur April 13, 
1608, he arrived at Tadousac on the St. Lawrence River, 
the third of June following, and at once began the renewal 
of his explorations in that vicinity. The lofty mountains, 
beautiful vales, dense forests, enchanting little bays and 



9 

inlets, were all carefully examined and noted in his journal. 

July 3, 1608, he located and began laying the founda- 
tions of Quebec. Soon after beginning improvements here, 
a plot was discovered among some of the men to assassinate 
Champlain and confiscate the property. But the scheme 
having been discovered the prime movers were brought to 
an account and the life of our zealous navigator saved. 
The winter of 1608 and that of 1609, proved very severe; 
twenty out of his twenty-eight men died of disease and 
exposure. But the warm sun of spring came and with it 
a fresh arrival from France, and plans were laid for further 
explorations. June 18, 1609, Champlain with eleven men 
and a party of Indians began the ascent of the river St. 
Lawrence. At the Falls of Chambly he dismissed a portion 
of his associates, ordering them to return to Quebec while 
he with two companions were to proceed with the Indians 
as guides. Continuing up the river they came to the lake 
which now bears his name. This they entered with their 
canoes, but were obliged to pass the daytime in thickets 
on shore, travelling only by night in order to escape the 
notice of hostile tribes within whose country they were ex- 
ploring. 

On the evening of July 29, while gliding noiselessly along 
near the point where Fort Carillon was afterwards erected 
at Ticonderoga, they suddenly came upon a collection of 
heavy canoes, containing not far from two hundred Iro- 
quois warriors. Champlain with his allies drew away an 
arrow shot from the shore, and fastened their canoes to- 
gether by poles. The Iroquois were asked if they desired 
to fight, to which they replied nothing would suit them 
better. But as it was then dark, sunrise in the morning 
was chosen for the time hostilities were to begin. All night 
long each party entertained the other with charges of 
cowardice and weakness, declaring they would prove the 
truth of their assertions on the coming morrow. Scarcely 
had the sun touched the mountain-tops when all were ready 



10 

for the fray. Champlain and his two comrades, armed with 
hand gims or arquebuses, went on shore with their Indian 
allies, and taking their proper position in line, marched to 
within thirty paces of the enemy, when the battle began. 
The destruction of the hand guns, which were new to the 
Iroquois, caused such terrible slaughter they soon turned 
and fled, leaving many of their dead and wounded behind 
and also their canoes and provisions. The latter with ten 
or twelve prisoners were soon started down the lake in 
company with the victorious combatants on their home- 
ward voyage. 

In September, Champlain decided to return to France 
and arrived at Hornfleur October 13, 1609, where with the 
assistance of De Monts two more vessels were supplied 
with articles most necessary to strengthen the colony at 
Quebec. On account of sickness of Champlain the expedi- 
tion did not leave France until April 8, 1610. At the end 
of eighteen days the vessels reached Tadousac and the 
twenty-eighth day of April found them at Quebec, where 
the little colony were enjoying good health and spirits. 

Hostilities then existing between the neighboring tribes 
of Indians became a barrier to Champlain's plans for further 
exploration, and owing to the reported assassination of 
Henry IV. on May 14, and other troubles at home, he de- 
cided to return to France, where he arrived the 27th of 
September, 1610. During the autumn, while residing in 
Paris, Champlain became attracted by the presence of 
Helene, daughter of Nicholas Boulle, Secretary of the King's 
chamber, she being quite young, the marriage contract was 
subscribed to December 27, but the marriage was not to 
take place within at least two years. 

With a determination evidently of winning success in his 
colonization scheme, he again set out from Hornfleur for 
New France, arriving at Tadousac May 13, 1611. During 
this season he selected a spot within the present city of 
Montreal on which to locate a trading-house and permanent 



11 

settlement. In September he returned to France for secur- 
ing more powerful personal influence towards building up 
and sustaining the settlements in his chosen territory. He 
succeeded in doing this and returned to Tadousac April 29, 
1613, and to Quebec May 7, where he found everything 
in good order. Twenty days later Champlain with four 
Frenchmen and an Indian guide started on a trip up the 
Ottawa River, covering a distance of two hundred and 
twenty-five miles into that northern country, and on his 
return was accompanied by a large delegation of Indians, 
bringing loads of furs to exchange for other merchandise 
at Montreal. The season having been spent he set sail 
for France, arriving at St. Malo the 26th of August, 
1613. 

The year 1614, Champlain passed in France, adding new 
members to his company of associates and devising means 
for the establishment of the Christian faith in the wilds of 
America. Thus far no missionary had found his way to 
the region of the St. Lawrence River, But through the 
efforts of Champlain, four Recollet friars set sail with him 
from Hornfleur, April 24, 1615, for Quebec, from where, 
after their arrival, they were assigned various points in the 
territory at which to begin their Christianizing work among 
the native tribes. On reaching Montreal, Champlain met 
representatives from various Indian tribes, demanding that 
he accompany them and help in subjugating or annihilating 
their common enemy, the Iroquois. So strongly did they 
plead, that in order to retain them as his allies he was 
forced to join them in their scheme, and at once set out 
for their homes near Lake Huron, where it merges into 
the River St. Lawrence, there to collect an army that 
should march upon the stronghold of the despised Iroquois 
and put them to death. 

The journey was made, the fortress besieged and many 
of the Iroquois killed. But Champlain found the Algon- 
quins and Hurons too hot-headed to obey liis commands. 



12 

and a retreat was in progress before he could rally them 
for another attack. 

Not being able to procure an Indian escort back to 
Montreal, Champlain was forced to remain with the In- 
dians through the winter, during which time he was com- 
pleting his records, and map of the country over which he 
travelled. 

About the 20th of May, 1616, our navigator in company 
with Le Caron, one of the missionaries, left the Huron 
capital with an Indian escort, for their return to Quebec, 
where they arrived July 11, amid great rejoicing, the settlers 
having imagined Champlain had perished at the hands of 
the savages. Ten days later he left for France, where he 
arrived September 10. He made visits to his little colony 
on the banks of the St. Lawrence, both in 1617 and 1618. 

Some of his associates in the enterprise merely hoped 
for the gain to be derived from trade with the Indians, 
but Champlain labored to develop a self-sustaining colony, 
consequently certain discords arose in the management of 
the company's affairs. But through the intervention of 
Duke de Montmorency, the new viceroy of France, the 
difficulties were settled, and Champlain, accompanied by 
his wife, sailed from Hornfleur early in May, 1620, arriving 
at Tadousac two months later. He soon pushed on to 
Quebec, where he was received with great cordiality; a 
sermon composed for the occasion was preached, and his 
arrival otherwise celebrated. 

After a sojourn of four years, he with his wife visited 
France in October, 1624. Two years later they returned 
to Quebec and he devoted his time to repairing the com- 
pany's buildings and trying to settle disputes among the 
Indian tribes. 

Nearly twenty years had elapsed since the founding of 
Quebec and still it remained but a trading-post, which fact 
proved quite discouraging to Champlain. A new company 
was now formed including one hundred and seven wealthy 



13 

merchants, but still discouragements continued. The little 
colony was not only beset by savages, but a fleet of English 
war vessels, in 1629, sailed up the St. Lawrence and de- 
manded the half starved, terror stricken colony to surrender. 
Already the larger portion of the French had taken passage 
for France, and it only remained for Champlain to sur- 
render to the English vice-admiral (David Keith), at the 
head of two hundred armed men; thereby securing a safe 
transport for himself and those who wished to accompany 
him from Quebec to France. 

On reaching England it appeared that peace between 
England and France had been established three months be- 
fore the surrender of Quebec, so that in due time, through 
the treaty of St. Germain, the property was again returned 
to the French company; and March 23, 1632, Champlain, 
having been commissioned Governor of New France, again 
sailed for Quebec, arriving on the 23d of May. Again his 
coming was celebrated amid great joy and the booming of 
cannon. Two years soon passed away, while the numerous 
cares and demands of the little colony were being attended 
to. In the early part of October, 1635, Champlain, stricken 
with disease that was fast undermining his hitherto iron 
constitution, lay in his chamber in the little fort on the 
crest of that rugged promontory at Quebec, where, on 
Christmas day December 25, 1635, he closed his earthly 
career, surrounded by many friends who deeply mourned 
their loss. 

It appears that under the patronage of this company of 
French merchants trade with the natives was continued, 
and in 1642 they acquired right to the soil by charter. 
Their traffic with the Indians assumed a ratio of no mean 
proportion, annual fairs or sales were held, usually begin- 
ning in the month of June, sometimes lasting three months. 
These gatherings became so popular that Indians in great 
numbers patronized them, many coming with their furs and 
articles for trade a distance of a thousand miles to spend 



14 

a week or more at Montreal and Quebec in true holiday 
fashion. They flocked there not only from the region of 
New York vState, but even from the Mississippi River coun- 
try, and the far north. In the year 1663, the charter to 
this company of French merchants was revoked, and the 
following year Canada (it is said) was assigned to the 
control of the West India Company. But it continued the 
center of trade for the Indians; there could be had every- 
thing they desired, from the spirit-reviving firewater to 
guns and ammunition. 

Through the means of unrestrictive trade the Indians were 
easily drawn to the side of the French when war was de- 
clared; with them they had found a ready market for 
their entire product, receiving in return whatever articles 
they might select; fully appreciating freedom of choice, 
they considered those their best friends who gave them 
their liberty of selection without restriction, as was not the 
custom with the English. Again, should the English pre- 
vail in the contest, the Indians might lose their most 
desirable market, therefore they rallied to the side of the 
French and against the English. Count Frontenac was 
appointed Governor of Canada, and in the month of January, 
1690, organized several parties and sent them to operate 
against the English settlements. One was ordered to 
Albany, but turned aside to Schenectady, reaching that 
place at eleven o'clock Saturday night, February 8; found 
the inhabitants asleep, to be awakened by the glaring flames 
consuming their homes, every house in the place being on 
fire. It was a complete surprise. Amid the din that fol- 
lowed men, women and children were murdered. Sixty 
persons perished in the flames, twenty-five were taken 
prisoners, while the remainder of the inhabitants, half naked, 
fled to Albany, the nearest place to afford them protection. 
They were overtaken by a furious storm on their way, and 
among those who reached Albany, twenty-five suffered the 
loss of limbs from the cold. 



15 

Another party of French and Indians fell upon Salmon 
Falls in New Hampshire, killed twenty-six men, burned 
the town and took away fifty prisoners. The third party 
made an attack upon Casco, Maine, where they killed and 
captured ninety-five persons. Measures were immediately 
set in motion to check these bloodthirsty invasions. An 
army was despatched from New York, but reaching Lake 
Champlain, and not finding boats with which to cross, 
were obliged to return. Sir William Phips with a fleet of 
thirty-two vessels sailed from Boston, and with his army 
made an unsuccessful attack upon Quebec. For seven years 
under the guise of international warfare, the most dreadful 
and heart-rending scenes were enacted, one after the other. 
Dec. 10, 1697, a treaty of peace was made between Great 
Britain and France, which gave a material check to the 
fierce atrocities perpetrated. But war clouds were of com- 
mon experience, no sooner than one disappeared, another 
came, and for more than sixty years trouble to the colonies 
came from this quarter. Not until the armies under Wolfe, 
Amherst and Johnson had been declared victorious was this 
terrible warfare brought to a close by the ceding of that 
territory held by the French to the British crown Feby. 
10, 1763, at which time there were about 65,000 French 
people residing there, principally along the banks of the 
river St. Lawrence and its tributaries; also a large repre- 
sentation of Indians — Mohawks, Senecas, Iroquois, Chippe- 
was, Delawares, Massasaugas, Tuscaroras, Hurons and 
others. In conclusion, there are two questions that with 
your permission, I would like to consirler although briefly. 
Why were so many Indians found fighting on the side of 
the French? And why was this expedition under Sir 
William Phips unsuccessful? 

Some of the early historians place considerable stress on 
work done among the Indians by Catholic missionaries, 
and would have us believe it was largely through that in- 
fluence that those savages were drawn to the side of the 
French. 



16 

But the English had their Eliot, Gookin, Rawson, May- 
hew, Brainerd and others spreading their gospel among 
those heathen, and perhaps some genuine good may have 
been done by both factions. Yet from the pages of history 
we find very little to convince us that the Indians stopped 
to consider the divine laws as they relate to moral character 
and conduct, or displayed the least sign as having been 
imbued with Christian precepts, as they swung the bloody 
tomahawk and scalping knife, carrying death and destruc- 
tion to many a peaceful, happy home among French as 
well as English. It could hardly be expected that the 
intellect of the Indian could grasp those theological prin- 
ciples as readily as others more common and practical in 
their application. The English took possession of the soil 
under authority granted by the crown. No consideration 
or provision was made for the care of the natives. They 
were completely ignored. The rights of the Indian were 
left to be adjusted by settlers as they saw fit, some paid 
them something, others did not. There were special cases 
where natives were paid several times for the same lands; 
but as a rule they were peace offerings, some trifling, others 
of considerable value. There were exceptions; full value 
was paid for lands taken by the English in some instances, 
but in the main those payments were trivial. 

Boundary lines in some of the Indian deeds were very 
indefinite in their description: viz., " as far as a man could 
walk in a day" (or day and a half) ; "as far as a man could 
ride on horseback in two days;" " as far as a man could 
travel in two summer days on horseback;" or " as far as a 
man can go in two days' journey," etc. Laws were passed 
forbiding settlers buying lands of the Indians without con- 
sent of the government. Under the law the English claimed 
that the Indian could retain only the soil he actually oc- 
cupied and tilled (as a home). He could roam and hunt 
in the forests and wilderness for game, but that was to 
be in common with the Englishman or White man. After 



17 

a time encroachments were made upon the homes of the 
natives, then an effort was made to pay a fair price for 
the purchase. But to suppose the Indian a match for the 
EngUshman in such a transaction would not be placing a 
high estimate on Yankee intelligence. The only solicitude 
the Englishman had for the Indian was his conversion to 
Christianity. In 1664, Charles II. sent a commission to 
investigate the condition of the colonies, hear claims and 
complaints. Massachusetts opposed any interference with 
purchases made of the Indians. 

When it came to trade, the English would buy the furs 
and other articles for sale, but would not sell the Indian 
certain articles he called for. In other words the English 
treated the Indians more as masters while the French 
received and met them as equals; encouraged them to 
join them in their settlements; protected them in their 
rights; assisted in defending them against their enemies; 
allowed free and unrestricted trade in dealing with them; 
encouraged them to bring to market whatever they desired 
to sell, giving in exchange whatever they might select. 
Market places were provided, special days, weeks and 
months were set apart to meet Indians who came from 
long distances for the purpose of trade. And, as for many 
years commerce was the chief object of the French at 
Quebec and Montreal, the meetings of these people were of 
nmtual benefit. The French took possession of the soil in 
the name of the Crown, established their settlements in a 
formal yet peaceable way, invited the natives to come under 
and accept the King of France as their ruler over their 
territory and people, they living and enjoying the same 
rights as formerly, and in common with the French, to come 
together as one people. If natives were obstinate and re- 
fused obedience they were to be controlled by force of arms. 
No proposition was made to buy their lands. But posses- 
sion seemed based on mutual good will and profit. And 
the policy adopted by the French in their treatment with 



18 

the Indians is considered to have been the most just and 
humane of all the other powers. When the struggle came 
between the French and English the Indians naturally 
joined the French to save their market and help those who 
furnished them unrestrictive trade, their mutual friends. 

So frequent had become invasions upon the frontier 
settlements that the English people felt no real security 
either in life or property. And while hostilities existed be- 
tween France and England the colonists seized upon the 
opportunity in the year 1690, to plan (as they hoped) a 
decisive campaign that should, if possible, result in removing 
one element that caused them no little trouble. Therefore, 
March 20th it was resolved (by the commissioners of New 
York and New England) that one thousand soldiers from 
New York and Connecticut, to be joined by fifteen hundred 
Indian allies, were to proceed by land and capture Montreal, 
while Massachusetts was to send a large fleet from Boston 
that should capture Quebec. Fitz John Winthrop, eldest 
son of Governor John Winthrop of Connecticut, was com- 
missioned Major-General and given command of the land 
forces. He was born in Ipswich, Mass., in 1638, educated 
in England, and for a time held a commission under Crom- 
well; was Major in King Philip's war and Governor of 
Connecticut, 1698, and to the time of his death, in Boston, 
Nov. 27, 1707. 

In April a small vessel was despatched to England to 
apprise the home government of the plan, and to secure 
ammunition and arms, also several frigates to more fully 
equip the expedition. Winthrop and his English soldiers 
arrived near the falls, at the head of Wood Creek in August 
and pushed on up along Lake Champlain, about one hun- 
dred miles, only to meet disappointment. Where he looked 
for fifteen hundred Indian warriors, he found but seventy. 
On reaching the point where he intended to cross the Lake, 
there were not a sufficient number of canoes in readiness 
to safely carry the army to the opposite shore and that 



19 



dreaded disease small-pox had made its appearance in 
camp. Filled with disappointment and mortification, Win- 
throp and his soldiers retraced their steps to Albany. The 
unsatisfactory termination of this part of the expedition 
engendered bad feeling. Some of the officers became ill- 
tempered, harsh words ensued, and Acting Governor Jacob 
Leisler arrested Major-General Winthrop and confined him 
in the fort at Albany, This act so enraged the Connecti- 
cut soldiers they were about to attack the fort to release 
him, when the Mohawk Indians performed that service for 
them, thus Winthrop was given his liberty, and the Connec- 
ticut men returned home. The command of the fleet was 
given to Gen. Sir William Phips. The day of departure 
was delayed, hoping for the arrival of the vessel on her 
return from England with the much needed supply of arms 
and ammunition. But as the season was fast advancing 
and report of the proposed expedition was liable to reach 
the enemy they hoped to surprise, it was decided to set 
sail without hearing from the despatch-boat. 

The fleet consisted of thirty-two vessels, divided into 
three squadrons, twelve in the Admiral's squadron, ten in 
the Vice-Admiral's squadron and ten in the Rear-Admiral's 
squadron, manned with about 2,500 soldiers and marines, 
44 great guns and 200 men. 

admiral's flagship. 
*Six Friends, Capt. Gregory Sugers. 



John and Thomas, 

Return, a fire ship, 

Lark, 

Batchelor, 

Mary, 

Elizabeth and Mary, 

Mary Anne, 

Hanny and Mary, 

Friendshipp, 

Ebijah, 

Swallow, 



Thos. Carter. 
Andrew Knott. 
John Walley. 
Thos. Gwynne. 
John Raynsford. 
Caleb Lamb. 
Gregory Sugers, Jr. 
Thos. Parker. 
Windsor. 
Elias Noe. 
Thos. Lyzenby. 



20 



VICE-ADMIRAL S SQUADRON. 



Swann, 


Capt. 


Thos. Gilbert (Vice Admiral). 


Swallow, 




Small. 


Samuel, 




Sam Robinson. 


Delight, 




Ingerston. 


Mary, 




Jonathan Balston. 


Begining, 




Samuel Elsoe. 


Speedwell, 




Barger. 


Mayflower, 




Bowdick. 


Boston Merchant, 




Michael Shute. 


William and Mary, 




Peter Ruck. 


REAR admiral's SQUADRON. 


* American Merchant, Capt. 


Jos. Eldridge (Rear Admiral) 


— — 




Febershear. 


Lark, 




Walk. 


Union, 




Brown. 


Adventure, 




Thos. Barrington. 


Kathrine, 




Thos. Berry. 


Fraternity, 




Elias Jarvis. 


— — 




William Clutterbuck. 


Successe, 




John Carlisle. 


Batchelor, 




Edward Ladd. 



August 9 the fleet sailed from Hull and anchored in the 
channel between Orleans, the south and north shore, and 
Quebec Town, on Oct. 5. The run to the mouth of the 
St. Lawrence was made in reasonable time. But from the 
last of August to September 26, when the ascent of the 
river was begun, the time was consumed in securing plunder 
along the shores, and capturing a number of fishing vessels, 
while (as was said) waiting for favorable weather to pro- 
ceed up river. By a council of officers it had been decided 
to first demand the surrender of the forts and castles to 
the crown of England, and the formal message was delivered 
under a flag of truce by Capt. Lieutenant Ephraim Savage 
October 6th. The French Governor Count — Frontenac 

*Gun »hip. 



21 

replied (by word of mouth) that no answer might be ex- 
pected from him except that given from the mouth of his 
cannon. 

Another council of officers of the fleet was held at four 
o'clock on the morning of Oct. 7, when it was decided to 
prepare for landing a portion of the soldiers; and they 
were ordered into the small vessels standing in near the 
shore, one of which (a French barque captured a few days 
before), with Capt. Savage and his company of sixty men 
on board, grounded on the north shore about two miles 
from Quebec, the weather being too rough for landing. 
The French, taking advantage of the low tide which left the 
barque high and dry upon the flats, made an attack upon 
Savage and his men. But with the assistance of a few 
shots from the big guns from two of the larger vessels* Capt. 
Savage and his men drove the French back from a large 
rock on which they had posted their field-pieces. With 
the returning tide the barque floated into deep water. Al- 
though the engagement was quite spirited the English 
escaped with only a few bullet holes through their clothing. 

The place selected for landing the troops was near and 
just below where the barque had grounded and little below 
Charles River that comes in north of Quebec. Here the 
boats were brought near the shore and about one o'clock, 
on October 8, by wading in places the depth of three feet, 
the men reached land and the order was given to form 
into line upon the river bank. No sooner had the order 
been executed when about seven hundred Frenchmen who 
were in ambush a few rods away in a swamp, opened fire 
upon them ; their first shots passed overhead. The English 
immediately gave battle and drove the French from the 
swamp up through the North Town, where they scattered 
in various directions, their losses were several, including 
officers and privates; in all from thirty to fifty killed and 
several wounded. The English had eight killed and several 

"Six Frienda and American Merchant. 



22 

wounded, among the latter Major Nathaniel Wade, Capt. 
Ephraim Savage and Lieut. Knowlton. 

Thus far the English had apparently been successful but 
for some reason they failed to follow up the advantage so 
unexpectedly gained. The surprise in ambush seemed to 
strike terror to the heart of the Lieut.-General commanding 
the land forces, as Major John Walley was styled. Many 
of the men were anxious and even craved the opportunity 
to proceed with the attempt to capture Quebec, but as one 
of the enthusiasts who was on the spot writes, "What is 
an army of lions Avhen they must not go on except a frighted 
Hart shall lead them." Certainly it appears on this 
occasion that Major Walley was very careful of his men, 
a commendable trait in a commanding officer. He no 
doubt felt justified in the course adopted. 

It does not appear that the officers of this division of 
the expedition had heard from General Winthrop and his 
men, who were to attack Montreal. But from French cap- 
tives it was learned that Earl Frontenac and the Governor 
of Montreal were together, that there were not less than 
3,000 men in Quebec, therefore, it was fair to suppose that 
General Winthrop was not where he could render this 
portion of the expedition any immediate assistance. There- 
fore, Walley may have concluded (and with good reason) 
that his land force of 1,400 men was too small to capture 
3,000 protected by fortifications, even with the fleet of 
armed vessels to assist them. Another discouraging fea- 
ture was lack of ammunition. With a scanty supply at the 
start the fleet had been using from it during the month 
of September while capturing prizes, and now at the mo- 
ment when it was most needed the stock in the magazines 
was found to be surprisingly low. Nevertheless General 
Phips expecting General Walley would on the afternoon 
of Oct. 8th order his men to attack the main town, 
sailed close up to the fortifications with his fleet and from 
four to eight o'clock poured in his shot and shell, at the same 



23 

time the forts were returning the fire; and the following 
morning the firing was resumed for a short time. The flag- 
ship Six Brothers was struck many times by shot from the 
fort, General Phips running her within pistol shot of the 
fortifications. One man was killed and six wounded, two 
of them mortally. At the close of the firing, October 9th, 
General Phips sent on shore to learn of the conditions 
there. Finding the general attack had not been made; 
that many of the soldiers were suffering from frozen limbs 
gained through exposure during the three nights they had 
lodged on shore; the small-pox having also made its ap- 
pearance among the soldiers, — he ordered all on board ship 
for rest, hoping to renew the attack the following day. 
But during the night a severe storm arose and with it a 
heavy fall of snow, the fleet became scattered by the high 
winds, and the severe cold weather made it seem to the 
commanding officers unsafe to remain longer in the river. 
In the face of all the discouragements it was decided best 
to leave the taking of Quebec for some future time. And 
after a treaty for the exchange of captives had been con- 
summated, reluctantly, with hearts bleeding with disappoint- 
ment, the fleet, on the 15th of October, was headed towards 
Boston, where about one-fourth of the ships arrived Nov- 
ember 19. Less than twenty men were lost in engagements, 
but about one hundred and fifty died of small-pox and 
malignant fever, among them persons of great worth to 
the colony. 

Thus terminated the most formidable expedition thus far 
planned by the New England colonies. To fit out and 
man a fleet of thirty-two vessels to co-operate with an 
additional land force of 1,000 or 1,500 men was no small 
undertaking at that period of our colonial history. For 
fifteen years prior to the sailing of this expedition these 
people had been severely taxed in defending their homes 
against invasions from the cruel and relentless savages. 
Many lives had been sacrificed; a large amount of property 



24 

destroyed; a large number of men were of necessity kept 
under arms, thereby greatly diminishing the productive 
agency of the colonies; the treasury was well nigh if not 
quite empty. But the exigency of the time demanded it, 
therefore the sacrifice was made, resulting in a miserable 
failure, due principally from lack of organization and proper 
discipline. 



BEGINNINGS OF NEW ENGLAND. 



Whatever may have been the frailties of England's 
Queen Elizabeth, her wisdom led her to so direct the de- 
partment of state as to make it possible for her subjects 
to thrive under prosecution of their various callings and 
industries, thereby bringing prosperity upon themselves, 
while her realm advanced to such a degree of success and 
affluence as to render her reign famous in the annals of 
history. 

During the first twenty years of her reign, a material 
increase in her navy was accomplished, and special en- 
couragements were granted her sailors. The corporation 
of merchant adventurers empowered by her sister Queen 
Mary had already gained considerable prominence in the 
commercial world, and the success attending their efTorts 
in the lines of trade and discovery had created no little 
enthusiasm among their English brethren. Enterprising 
navigators began to appear, conducting voyages to differ- 
ent parts of the world, bringing more or less profit and 
renown to the kingdom, while the volume of English com- 
merce was greatly enhanced. 

Intercourse through trade with other nations stimulated 
a desire to conduct new and more difficult undertakings. 
The knowledge of what Spain had accomplished, awakened 
a thirst among the English people to try their hand at 



26 

planting colonies in the new world. Sir Humphrey Gilbert 
of Compton, in Devonshire, England, a military officer of 
note, who had been giving attention to the subject of navi- 
gation, was conductor of the first English colony to America. 
June 11, 1578, through letters patent by Queen Elizabeth, 
Gilbert was given powers to establish a colony in any 
remote and barbarous lands unoccupied by any Christian 
prince or people. It was the first charter to a colony 
granted by the English crown. Gilbert with his half 
brother. Sir Walter Raleigh, took possession of Newfound- 
land, where the attempt was made to plant a colony. 
Their efforts, however, resulted in a disastrous shipwreck, 
in which Gilbert lost his life. Raleigh, after securing a 
patent from the Queen, March 26, 1584, soon despatched 
two vessels on a prospecting tour. They reached the shores 
of what is now North Carolina, returning to England Sept. 
15. Amadas and Barlow, captains in charge of the vessels, 
presented such a flattering report of the country, the Queen 
gave it the name Virginia. Raleigh immediately fitted 
out the expedition that located on Roanoke Island. The 
result of the effort being the wasting of Raleigh's fortune, 
and the introduction of tobacco into England, — in the 
light of progress, possibly two very valuable accomplish- 
ments. But English grit prevailed, and after several 
attempts Jamestown was settled. 

In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold sighted and named Cape 
Cod, Martha's Vineyard and Elizabeth Island, and on his 
return to England awakened great interest in the country 
he visited. The merchants of Bristol sent out an expe- 
dition to verify his report, and word was returned confirm- 
ing the statements. 

James I. had ascended the throne, and learning of the 
great value of his possessions across the Atlantic, extending 
from the thirty-fourth to the fifty-fifth degree of latitude, 
decided for certain political reasons to divide it into two 
nearly equal parts, naming one the South Colony and the 



27 

other the North Colony of Virginia. April 10, 1616, he 
authorized Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, Richard 
Hakluyt and their associates (chiefly residents of London), 
to settle any portion of South Virginia, granting them 
right to a tract of land extending fifty miles north and 
south upon the coast, and one hundred miles into the 
interior. North Virginia King James granted to sundry 
knights, gentlemen and merchants of Bristol, Plymouth 
and other places in the west of England, with similar rights 
to the soil as that conveyed in South Virginia. 

The charters given were for trading purposes, allowing 
the companies to have a seal, and to act as a body politic. 
The supreme government, however, of either colony was 
to be vested in a council appointed by the King, and resi- 
dent in England. A subordinate council was also provided 
for, to be named by the King, to be resident in the colony, 
but to act on instructions. Special concessions were added 
to encourage persons to settle in those colonies, all necessary 
articles could be imported from England to those colonies 
for seven years free of duty. Liberty to trade with other 
nations, and the duty levied for twenty-one years on all 
foreign trade was to be used as a fund for the benefit of 
the colony. Consent was also given for those of his sub- 
jects who desired to settle in either colony, to do so. Al- 
though there were many favorable stipulations in the 
charters, the chief management and control of these 
colonies remained in the hands of the crown of England, 
thus depriving the settler of his rights as a freeman. Under 
such liberties and restrictions the first permanent EngHsh 
settlements were estabhshed in America. 

The London Company proved somewhat active and 
made considerable progress in South Virginia. The Ply- 
mouth Company, under a previous charter executed in 
1606, attempted in a feeble way to locate a settlement 
within their territory; their first ship, howeVer, was cap- 
tured by the Spaniards. Although Sir John Popham, 



28 

Chief Justice of England, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and other 
prominent men at the west of England were at the head 
of this Plymouth Company, there was much less energy 
displayed by them towards carrying forward the work of 
colonization than by the London Company. In 1607 the 
Plymouth Company located a settlement of one hundred 
men at Sagadahock. They found the winter much too 
severe for comfort and returned to England. Only voyages 
for the purpose of fishing, and trading with the natives, 
were continued, until the year 1614, when Capt. John 
Smith of Jamestown fame, having been sent from England 
in charge of a trading expedition, landed on the shores 
of Cape Cod and prepared a map, covering many miles 
of the coast, outlining the rivers and harbors with great 
precision, which, on his return he presented to the company, 
and being called to lay the subject before the crown he 
performed the service in such forcible and convincing 
words that Prince Charles gave this locality the name of 
New England. From this time forward the Plymouth 
Company seemed to take on new life. Offers of encourage- 
ment to private adventurers were made, with the hope 
that some substantial beginning might be developed to- 
ward establishing a permanent colony within their borders. 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John Mason had each 
expended £20,000 [equal to $600,000, present currency], in 
the effort, but without success. 

The religious dissensions had been gradually working 
society in England into a state of unrest bordering on 
chaos. The people could endure the molestations, op- 
pressions and persecutions no longer, they would prefer 
to face a rigorous climate, the trials and exposures of 
life in a wilderness surrounded by savage men and wild 
beasts, than to be humiliated and tortured by their kins- 
men at home. The promulgation of the following decree 
struck deep into the hearts of the Puritans, "Any person 
absent from church one month was subject to a fine and 



29 

imprisonment, if after conviction he did not within three 
months renounce his erroneous opinions and conform to 
the laws, he must abjure the realm; if he refused to comply, 
or returned from banishment, he was to be put to death 
as a felon with no benefit of the clergy." This edict left 
no hope for the ultra Puritan to gain reformation or even 
reconciliation in the Church of England. The question 
that remained was either submission or depart the country. 
A band of the faithful had already taken refuge at Leyden, 
in Holland, where for several years they had enjoyed 
their freedom of conscience under the teachings of that 
beloved pastor John Robinson. But even there they were 
beginning to feel anxious for the future, the church w^as 
not gaining in numbers ; and while casting about for another 
place in which to locate, they turned toward America, and 
besought King James to grant them religious freedom in 
Virginia. Although he refused to fully acquiesce in their 
demands, he gave such signs of encouragement that nego- 
tiations were opened with the Council for Virginia to 
secure land on which to locate. 

From the fact that more than two years elapsed before 
consent was obtained, is evidence there was opposition 
from that quarter. But on the 22d day of July, 1620, 
sufficient means having been secured to defray the expense 
of transporting half of the Leyden congregation, they 
entered two ships and after an affectionate parting started 
on their perilous voyage. A storm soon drove the vessels 
to land again. Through craftiness of the Dutch and the 
misconduct of those not their friends, it was the 6th of 
September when the one hundred and twenty souls, with 
their scanty outfit, having been crowded into one vessel, 
sailed from the harbor of Plymouth, England, for Virginia 
or as they supposed Hudson's River. The captain of the 
vessel, at the instigation of the Dutch East India Company, 
landed them on Cape Cod, outside the territory for which 
they had bargained, outside the jurisdiction of the com- 



30 

pany from whom they had acquired their right to settle. 
On account of sickness and lateness of the season, the little 
colony felt obliged, without further delay, to land, selecting 
a site for their settlement, named it out of respect, and 
perhaps to pacify the real owners of the location, New 
Plymouth, 

The severity of the winter, with disease incident to the 
new climate, reduced their number one-half by death 
before the return of spring. Their church government was 
copied from that in Holland. Their civil government was 
based on equality among men. Every freeman, member 
of the church, was admitted to the legislative body, who 
annually elected the governor and assistants. At first all 
property was held in common, work was performed by 
joint labor. They made a town plat, built houses, and 
surrounded them with a stockade, similar to the scheme 
adopted at Jamestown. 

At the end of ten years they were able to count about 
three hundred settlers. The sum of their riches seemed to 
consist in their supreme liberty of conscience. Up to 
this time they held no legal right to the land they occupied. 
But in 1630 they secured their title, although not incor- 
porated as a body politic by royal charter. They were 
merely a voluntary association of persons, bound together 
by common consent to recognize the authority of laws of 
their own making. Thus this colony remained until it 
became a part of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. It 
would appear that James I. contemplated planting a 
colony in New England after his own model, for in the 
year 1620, he executed a charter to the Duke of Lenox, 
Marquis of Buckingham and other members of his court, 
granting extensive rights to territory in America, creating 
them a body politic, with powers and jurisdictions similar 
to those granted to the companies of North and South 
Virginia. It was styled the Grand Council of Plymouth 
for Planting and Governing New England. 



31 

The work may not have fallen into good hands. For 
some reason, after various trials, all schemes failed of 
success. Through the efforts of Mr. White, a non-conform- 
ist minister of Dorchester, a movement was started to 
organize an association to settle in New England. March 
19, 1627, this association purchased of this Grand Council 
of Plymouth all the territory lying between the point 
three miles north of the Merrimac and three miles south 
of the Charles Rivers, extending east and west from the 
Atlantic to the Southern Ocean. In addition to their 
rights to the land obtained of the Grand Council of Ply- 
mouth, they sought from Charles I. the right to govern 
the society they designed to establish. So eager was the 
King to enlarge his commercial circle that he assented 
even to the demands of those non-conformist leaders, and 
issued to them a charter corresponding to that given by 
his father to the Virginia companies, incorporating them 
as a body politic, confirming title to the soil with right 
to dispose of lands and govern the people that should 
settle with them. The first governor and assistants 
were to be named by the crown; their successors were 
to be elected by the corporation; legislation was left 
to the body of proprietors, who were to make laws not 
inconsistent with the laws of England, to govern their 
colony, and to enforce their observance. They were to be 
exempt from internal taxes, duties on exports and imports, 
and to remain English subjects, they and their descendants. 
King Charles may have overlooked the religious side of 
this movement or he may have thought it the best way 
to rid Old England of a class of citizens that had given 
and were giving the crown no small degree of trouble. 
Two years later (1629), when proper arrangements had 
been completed, five ships were employed to carry out 
three hundred or more persons with their effects, as the 
first installment to the Massachusetts Bay Colony. En- 
dicott, with his little band of Puritans of the Puritans, 



32 

slipped away the year before (on June 29, 1628), and 
located Naumkeag (Salem), where the late arrival landed. 
So completely absorbed and bound up in rehgious thoughts 
and aspirations, that personal liberty in that special di- 
rection was the question uppermost in the minds and 
hearts of these newcomers. Without regard to conformity 
even to the laws of England, which their charter demanded, 
they, August 5, estabHshed an independent form of public 
worship devoid of all needless ceremony, after the strict 
Calvinistic type. This radical movement in ecclesiastical 
matters proved at the very outset a signal for dissensions. 
The very persons who for years had felt so keenly the iron 
heel of the oppressor in England, immediately assumed 
the role of the oppressor in New England. They declared 
no person should hereafter be received into their church 
until satisfaction was given of their faith and sanctity. 
Although the majority of persons who early came to 
New England were perhaps among the extreme wing of 
Puritans, there were many who took a middle ground. 
Besides, there were as they soon learned Independents. 
For three generations in England severe and animated 
theological and ecclesiastical discussions had developed 
many independent thinkers on these lines. Now that they 
were out from under the ban of Old England they became 
more bold and outspoken in presenting new ideas. But 
those in authority felt that a check would have to be placed 
upon such conduct at once, and within a very few months 
after the first arrival, two of the original patentees, John 
and Samuel Brown, men of note, were called up by En- 
dicott, expelled from the society and sent home to England. 
The severe measures put into operation by Wm. Laud, 
afterward Archbishop of Canterbury, continued to help 
increase the number in England anxious to escape the 
turmoils of both church and state, among them men of 
opulence, occupying high positions in society, who, in 
scanning the charter of the colony to which they contem- 



33 

plated removing, suggested that full corporate powers be 
transferred from Old to New England, believing that 
government of the colony should be vested in the settlers 
themselves. So reasonable was the suggestion, that the 
Plymouth Company, although contrary to their stipulated 
charter rights, acceded, and it was arranged that the 
charter should be transferred and the government settled 
in New England. 

The King, occupied with questions which perhaps seemed 
to him far more weighty, again overlooked the procedure 
and allowed the transaction to stand without apparent 
objection. Thus (as Mr. Robertson in his history says), 
"It turned the jurisdiction of a trading corporation in 
England, into a provincial government in America." Those 
of the corporation who did not remove to New England 
were to retain a share in the trading stock and profits 
of the company during the term of seven years. In a 
General Court, John Winthrop was appointed Governor, 
Thomas Dudley, Deputy Governor, and eighteen assistants 
were chosen, in whom, together with the body of freemen 
who should settle in New England, were vested all the 
corporate rights of the company. 

Plans finally had reached a satisfactory conclusion. 
New England was to become the provincial home of the 
Puritans. During the following year (1630) seventeen 
ships, with over 1500 persons, set out from England to 
swell the new colony. It will be remembered the charter 
gave the right as a body politic to govern themselves in 
obedience to the laws of England. But on reaching Ameri- 
can soil they adopted such ordinances for their government 
as best suited the people, regardless of charter stipulations. 
The bounds of Salem proved much too narrow for the 
accommodation of the newcomers. Charlestown, Boston, 
Dorchester and even Watertown were required to con- 
veniently locate the fresh arrivals. Churches were soon 
established in each of these towns, on the same lines as 



34 

the one at Salem. Their first General Court was held 
Oct. 19, 1630, when it was found the charter provided 
that the Council of Assistants, and not the freemen, must 
elect the governor and other officers, also make the laws. 
But in 1631, with the help of further additions to their 
number, the settlers resumed their former customs. A 
law was passed providing that hereafter no person, unless 
he be a member of their church (Congregational), should 
be admitted freeman, entitled to hold office, share in the 
government or even serve as juryman. By which means 
the civil rights of every settler w^ere to be determined by 
the ecclesiastical standard alone. The year 1634 intro- 
duced another innovation. When the General Court was 
to be convened, the freemen, in place of attending in person, 
as the charter prescribed, elected representatives in their 
districts to appear in their name with full power to deliberate 
and decide all matters submitted to the General Court. 
These representatives acted in conjunction with the Gover- 
nor and assistants as the supreme legislative assembly of 
the colony, by which act the settlers assumed civil liberty. 
Having assumed civil as well as ecclesiastical liberty in 
the conduct of church and state, the spirit of liberty began 
to grow among not only the ministers and teachers, but 
among the laity. Roger Williams, preaching at Salem, 
declaimed against the cross of St. George in the standard 
of England, branding it as a relic of superstition and idola- 
try. Governor Endicott publicly cut it from the ensign 
displayed at the governor's gate. Some of the militia 
hesitated to follow colors in which the cross formed a 
part, claiming it was doing honor to an idol, others refused 
to serve under a mutilated banner, as if it were showing 
want of allegiance to the crown of England. A compromise 
was, however, effected by the cross being used on the 
forts and ships, but omitted in the ensigns of the militia. 
This silly episode, in connection with events that followed, 
drove Roger Williams from the colony of Massachusetts 



35 

Bay and led to the planting of the settlements in Rhode 
Island. Notwithstanding the little bickerings and clash- 
ings among rivals for popularity in the colony, life of the 
people was tame and fraught with such light sequences, 
when compared with their experience on the opposite side 
the Atlantic, that New England had indeed become the 
harbor of rest for the Puritans of England, 

The year 1635 brought another large increase in popu- 
lation, Hugh Peters, chaplain of Oliver Cromwell, and 
Henry Vane among the number. The latter, the following 
year, was chosen Governor. Although a man of great 
promise, he became identified with the views of Ann, wife 
of Wm. Hutchinson; as the views were not in harmony 
with those adopted by the ministerial board and the 
court, she was banished from the colony in 1637. Vane, 
out of respect for himself if not for his lady teacher, re- 
crossed the Atlantic an.d became a famous political leader, 
but so tinctured with duplicity that Cromwell styled him 
a "juggling fellow." He ran his course, and June 14, 1662, 
came to the block, where he lost his head for the last time. 
Vane did however, while clothed with influence, serve Roger 
Williams a good turn in assisting him both in America 
and while in England to secure right to the territory on 
which he had settled in Rhode Island. Williams had his 
faults, but he possessed noble qualities and proved a man 
far in advance of his time. He was parent of the Providence 
and Rhode Island plantations, the government of which 
was derived from the freemen directly. Williams, Smith, 
Wheelwright, Peters, Shepard, Hooker, Cotton, Wilson, 
AVinthrop, Endicott, Vane, Dudley, Nowell, Haynes, Bel- 
lingham and Ann Hutchinson kept the political and eccle- 
siastical atmosphere in and about Boston so hot, that 
many persons were forced to remove to other locations. 
The ministers felt that each one of them had the training 
and care of their respective congregations, while Endicott 
and his assistants felt they had the enormous responsibil- 



36 

ity of the care and training of the ministers and parishion- 
ers combined, which together with the rivalry among the 
ministers for popularity, made matters lively in the Massa- 
chusetts colony for a few years. Rev. Roger WilHams's 
chief offense and cause of banishment from the Massachu- 
setts colony, January, 1636, was denial of the civil magis- 
trate's right to govern in ecclesiastical affairs. In 1643, 
he published the following, which sounds quite familiar 
to the present generation, and seems good doctrine for 
to-day: "The sovereign, original, and foundation of civil 
power lies in the people ; and it is evident that such govern- 
ments as are by them erected and established, have no 
more power, nor for no longer time, than the civil power 
of the people consenting and agreeing shall betrust them 
with. This is clear, not only in reason, but in the experience 
of all commonweals where the people are not deprived of 
their natural freedom by the power of tyrants." 

Endicott planned to send Williams back to England, 
where very likely he would have been beheaded. But 
he slipped away from his home in Salem, and after wan- 
dering about for fourteen weeks in the winter of 1636-7, 
without food or shelter except that contributed by savages, 
he found himself among the Wampanoags and obtained 
of Massasoit, their sachem, a tract of land, where later 
he was joined by his family and a few friends. Tliis was 
the beginning of the Providence Plantation, where first 
was granted absolute liberty of conscience in New England. 
Rev. John Wheelwright, who was preaching temporarily at 
Braintree, was also banished from the Massachusetts 
Colony by a General Court, chosen out of its turn, perhaps 
specially for that purpose, which met November 2, 1637. 
He was given fourteen days in which to settle his affairs, 
Ann Hutchinson, sister-in-law to Mr. Wheelwright, was 
also banished by order of the same General Court. Mr. 
Wheelwright, it is recorded, uttered these words in a dis- 
course delivered in Braintree on fast day January 19, 1673: 



37 

"The second sort of people that are to be condemned are 
all such as do set themselves against the Lord Jesus Christ : 
Such are the greatest enemies to the state as can be, if 
they can have their wills, You see what a lamentable state 
both Church & Commonwealth will be in: Then we shall 
have need of mourning: the Lord cannot endure those 
that are enemies to himself and kingdom and people, and 
unto the good of his Church." The point seemed to be 
that "such utterances would tend to cause divisions, and 
make people look at their magistrates, Ministers and 
brethren, as enemies to Christ &c.''' Wheelwright and his 
followers seemed to think they were a little better, a grain 
purer than the average members of the churches at Salem, 
Cambridge and Boston, and in order that they might 
remain thus pure, and avoid pollution by contact with their 
neighbors, turned their steps northward into what was 
then a cold, bleak, forbidding country, where none but 
the proper strain would be likely to follow. They located 
Exeter and Hampton, giving the settlements in New 
Hampshire a start much needed; and thus forged a link 
in the chain that bound her for a time to Massachusetts. 

Immediately following the banishment of Wheelwright, 
Mrs. Hutchinson and others, public opinion became so 
inflamed through discussions held in and about Boston, 
that the authorities feared an insurrection. As a precau- 
tionary measure an order was issued by the General Court 
to disarm seventy-six men, — fifty-eight in Boston, five in 
Roxbury, two in Charlestown, six in Salem, two in Ipswich, 
and three at Newbury. It was further ordered that these 
men "should not buy or borrow said weapons until fur- 
ther order of the Court." 

Among this list were those who had served as assistants 
and deputies. At this same time a law was passed to protect 
the courts from defamation, thereby admitting cause for dis- 
approval among the people, and providing a lash with which 
to punish those who should dare to publicly murmur. 



38 

Mrs. Hutchinson was a woman of strong mental powers, 
proud spirited, warm hearted, enthusiastic to a high degree 
and of good family. In her teachings on religious senti- 
ments, she argued that the evidence of Christian hope, con- 
fidence, trust, came from a desire within the person rather 
than from the observance of forms and ceremonies, the 
performance of divine precepts; supporting her ideas by 
claiming special revelations and extraordinary inward 
knowledge, or light received through inward manifestations. 
She succeeded in winning many converts, a considerable 
number of whom retired with Wheelwright to New Hamp- 
shire, while others followed her to the Providence Plantation. 
After the death of her husband, she with her family re- 
moved to a place near the present city of New York, where 
she, her son Francis and a daughter, the wife of Mr. William 
Collins (a learned gentleman), were killed by the Indians 
while waging war against the Dutch settlers in 1643, one 
member of her family, however, escaping death by being 
made a captive. The site of their home is still pointed 
out near the village of Tuckahoe, where a stream known 
as Hutchinson's River passes, winding its way and entering 
Pelham Bay. 

As early as the year 1634, the people at Newton, after- 
ward called Cambridge, under the leadership of Rev. 
Thomas Hooker, asked the General Court at the September 
session, for permission to remove to the Connecticut River; 
at first they were refused, but the following year permission 
was granted on condition that the new settlement continue 
subject to the Massachusetts colony. Possibly the rivalry 
for power and fame between Hooker and Cotton (two 
popular divines), influenced the former to lead his little 
flock (in 1636), to the banks of that river, where in company 
with Rev. Samuel Stone and his followers the towns of 
Windsor, Hartford and Wethersfield were planted. The 
first General Court was held there April 26, 1636. 

In September, 1636, Mr. William Pyncheon with some 



39 

of his friends at Roxbury began the settlement at Spring- 
field. These settlers took authority to hold their lands 
from the governor and assistants of Massachusetts Bay 
Colony, The location they selected was principally outside 
the jurisdiction of that colony. The Dutch had already 
taken possession of that territory and built trading-posts 
along the banks of the river they had discovered, which 
act under the rules of that period secured to them the 
right of possession to that territc.y. Besides, Lord Say 
and Sele with Lord Brook, under charter from the crown, — 
men of noble birth, who, on account of the extreme meas- 
ures adopted by King Charles I. against his subjects, 
felt obliged to forego the comforts wealth and high positions 
in society might bring to them in England, and remove 
to America, — had located at the mouth of the Connecticut 
River and erected a fort, calling the place Saybrook. But 
Hooker and his people, having exhausted their means 
and a large share of their physical strength in traversing 
the wilderness from Cambridge to the Connecticut River, 
decided to go no farther, and under the dominating spirit 
of personal liberty pitched their tents, built their houses, 
planted their fields, apparently determined to hold the 
country against all comers. The Dutch were too feeble 
to enforce their rights by war, and Lord Say and Sele 
and Lord Brook soon conveyed to the colony their rights, 
leaving Hooker and his people masters of the situation. 
They immediately organized a government after that of 
the Massachusetts Colony, although later they were incor- 
porated by royal charter. 

The seeds were now planted for five colonies or settle- 
ments in New England, and the churches established 
within their borders furnished abundant opportunity for 
all those good people to find rest for their disturbed minds 
on theological subjects. 

At that time it may have been advisable to place con- 
siderable distance between the villages and hamlets of 



40 

those good men, in order that their daily lives might not 
become tarnished by the reckless inconsistencies of other 
minds less pure than they. But the scattered condition 
of those settlements proved a temptation for attacks from 
the crafty Indians, who began to realize they might soon 
be despoiled of their happy hunting-grounds, if the white 
men were allowed to continue multiplying their villages. 
Although the English were careful to secure from the 
natives the right to occupy their lands, there was more 
or less dissatisfaction among certain portions of the tribes 
in regard to the encroachments of the white people upon 
what they deemed their special privileges. The Pequots 
and Narragansetts both gave signs of uneasiness, and the 
far-seeing politicians of the Massachusetts colony thought 
to bring on a war between those tribes, knowing they 
were not specially friendly toward each other. As the 
Pequots were irritating the Connecticut settlers, and a 
powerful, warlike tribe, the English proposed to become 
allies to the Narragansetts and help them to punish the 
wicked Pequots. The scheme was put into execution, 
not however until considerable diplomacy had been used. 
The killing of John Oldham near Block Island and the 
severe punishment given the Indians by the English in 
return for the murder, developed a spirit and thirst for 
revenge, not only among the Pequots, but also the Narra- 
gansetts, that gave cause for serious alarm for the safety 
of the English settlements. A delegation of the Pequots 
called upon the Narragansetts for the purpose of securing 
their co-operation in a general campaign against the English. 
A letter was despatched from Boston to Roger Williams, 
asking him to intercede for the safety of the colonies. 
That noble, magnanimous man proceeded at once to the 
spot where the Indian war council was in session; there 
for the space of two days and two nights in the presence 
of the Pequot emissaries, he labored to prevent the union 
of those two powerful tribes against the English, and 



41 

finally succeeded in persuading Miantonomoh to become an 
ally of the English rather than the Pequots, — thus prevent- 
ing (it is firmly believed), the destruction of the English 
settlements at that time. Williams was always a friend 
to the Indian, the Narragansetts felt perfect confidence 
in him. He was not in danger. It was Boston, and the 
men who had been his persecutors, the men who ordered 
his banishment, that he went to save. 

The result of the compact perfected with the Narragan- 
setts by Williams was the complete overthrow of Sassicous 
and his Pequot followers during the years 1636 and 1637. 
For with the Narragansetts and Wampanoags as allies the 
English made short work of the war. The Pequots were 
slaughtered at every turn; the few that were not killed 
or taken prisoners, scattered into other parts of the country 
and lost their identity as a tribe. The prisoners taken 
were (some of them) sold into slavery, others distributed 
among Wampanoags and the Narragansetts. After one of 
the most decisive battles in which the Connecticut troops 
achieved a complete victory, word reached Boston that 
the war with the Pequots was raging, and the militia were 
ordered out to assist their Connecticut brothers. On 
being mustered and about ready to march, the discovery 
was made that some of the officers and privates were under 
a covenant of works. The blessings of God could not be 
implored or success be expected to crown the arms of 
such a band of unhallowed men, and the unclean were 
therefore cast out before the little army of one hundred 
and twenty men under Captain Stoughton, with Rev. 
John Wilson as chaplain, could proceed on their errand 
of destruction. Chaplain Wilson received £20 for services 
on this trip, and remained on board ship six miles from 
the scene of that decisive battle which almost exterminated 
the Pequots. 

The prosecution of the war against this tribe led the 
soldiers of the colonies over new fields, where a desirable 



42 

place was discovered for planting a new settlement. They 
had no sooner reached their homes and put aside their 
arms, than the arrival of Rev. John Davenport, Samuel 
and Theophilus Eaton, Edward Hopkins, Thomas Gregson 
and others, was reported in Boston. Mr. Davenport and 
his company were men of standing and well supplied with 
means to carry forward their plans, and far better equipped 
than any previous company that reached Boston. Special 
inducements were offered to secure their co-operation. 
Charlestown made them a generous proposition, Newbury 
proffered them the whole town if they would settle there. 
But all offers were declined, preferring to be (as they said), 
out of the way of a General Governor of New England. 
March 30, 1638, they sailed from Boston and located the 
colony at New Haven, Rev. John Davenport performing 
his first Sabbath-day service there, April 18, 1638. Other 
towns, Guilford, Milford, Stamford, Branford with South- 
hold, L, I., constituted the New Haven colony. 

The fires of civil and religious agitation were still burn- 
ing in England. William Laud's inhuman course, cropping 
ears, branding foreheads and splitting the nose, was within 
a few years brought to a close, not however until he had 
driven many thousand English subjects to seek the shores 
of New England. In 1641, the tables were turned on this 
Bishop of Canterbury, and he was called to face the exe- 
cutioner, who not only robbed him of his hearing but his 
thinking on Jany. 10, 1644-45. These colonies became 
such a popular resort, that the authorities in England 
issued a proclamation forbidding masters of vessels carrying 
passengers to New England without special permission. 
This act dissuaded many persons from embarking openly, 
and forced a large number to slip away without official 
sanction, which fact, no doubt, accounts for the great 
trouble many families experience in connecting their pro- 
genitor in this country with the line in England. It is possi- 
ble assumed names may have been used in some instances. 



43 

Had King Charles allowed Sir Arthur Haslerig, John 
Hampden, Oliver Cromwell and a number of their associates, 
to proceed on their way to New England as they contem- 
plated, there might have been quite another chapter of 
events to chronicle in the history of his reign. But he 
forcibly detained them when on board their ships ready 
to sail. 

It is believed Hampden visited Plymouth colony some 
years prior to this fruitless attempt and passed the winter 
there. That he accompanied Edward Winslow on that 
memorable errand of mercy over the snow, and through 
the woods of Pakanoket in the month of March, 1622-23, 
for the relief of Massasoit, who was reported at Mattapoiset 
sick nigh unto death. Two days were consumed on the 
journey through the wilderness. Reaching the home of 
the sachem they learned the natives had lost hope in the 
recovery of their favorite chief. But under the skilful 
ministrations of Winslow he revived and finally recovered. 
This humane act riveted the friendship that lasted many 
years between Massasoit and his people with the Plymouth 
Colony. At this time Hampden was upon the threshold 
of his public life. Early in his career he displayed friend- 
ship for the Puritans. After a most eventful political ex- 
perience he received a wound at Chalgrovefield while 
leading a charge of the Parliamentary forces against the 
King's army under Prince Rupert, and died June 24, 1643. 

Notwithstanding the means adopted to prevent the rush 
of settlers to New England, about three thousand persons 
removed there from Old England during the year 1638. 
Chagrined at the lack of respect paid his proclamation 
Charles I. issued a writ of quo warranto against the corpo- 
ration of Massachusetts Bay. Having failed to control 
the action of his subjects on the east side the Atlantic, he 
now proposed to try those on the west side. The training 
given the Puritans for three generations had made them 
scrupulous non-conformists, not only in ecclesiastical 



44 

matters, but in regard to the stipulated conditions in their 
charter. As might be expected, the case was decided 
against the colony. It was found they had forfeited their 
rights as a corporation, and the King was free to frame 
an entire new government, which step he held in contem- 
plation when the sovereignty of Charles I. was checked 
by a people goaded to desperation by a tyrant King. The 
colonists were so disturbed by the action of the King, 
that April 12, 1638, was observed in the churches as a 
day of fasting and prayer for divine deliverance from the 
threatening evil of a General Governor for the colonies, 
and the consequent dissolution of their charter privileges, 
and the loss of all their religious liberty. From the year 
1620 to 1640, 21,200 British settled in New England, 
nearly £200,000 was expended in fitting out ships, buying 
stock and transporting those settlers. 

On the meeting of the Long Parliament, 1640, the hopes 
of the Puritans brightened. If they had felt special un- 
easiness regarding their charter rights, they were now 
dispelled. Cromwell, always their friend, was now able 
to render greater assistance to the colonies than his mere 
presence as a citizen might have given them. In 1642 
the House of Commons voted to exempt all the various 
plantations in New England from payment of duties on 
all exports to, and imports from the mother country, a 
privilege most valuable, therefore most acceptable to the 
colonies. It stimulated new and extraordinary activity to 
trade throughout the entire settlements, the spirit of 
bitterness toward the mother country was immediately 
changed to filial regard. 

May 19, 1643, the colonies of Plymouth, Massachusetts 
Bay, Connecticut and New Haven formed a federation 
called "United Colonies of New England," each colony 
retaining its individual identity. But in case of war it 
was provided that each colony should furnish her quota 
of men and means for offense and defense in proportion 



45 

to her population. Two commissioners from each colony 
were annually to meet and determine the course to be 
followed by the confederacy. Whatever action six of the 
commissioners were able to agree upon, that should de- 
termine, the action of the confederacy. 

The first commissioners were: for Massachusetts Bay, 
Governor John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley; for Plymouth 
Colony, Edward Winslow, William Collier; for Connecticut 
Colony, Edward Hopkins, Thomas Gregson; for New 
Haven Colony, Theophilus Eaton, George Fenwick. 

This confederacy of four colonies was the precursor of 
that later union of thirteen colonies that successfully waged 
the war for national independence. 

Although Roger Williams had rendered valuable assis- 
tance in negotiating with the Indians in behalf of the 
colony of Massachusetts Bay, this colony refused to allow 
the Providence settlement to come into the confederacy; 
and when in 1643, Williams asked the privilege of crossing 
the territory to Boston for the purpose of there taking 
ship for England, the authorities declined to grant him 
even that request, compelling him to travel to Manhattan, 
now New York, to embark from that point. And while 
there (waiting for a vessel to sail), the Dutch settlements 
were being threatened with total destruction by the Long 
Island Indians assisted by other tribes. Here Williams 
again displayed his remarkable powers of diplomacy. He 
went among the Long Island Indians and secured for the 
Dutch a renewal of peace and their friendship, and thus 
saved that settlement from destruction. Not only did the 
Massachusetts Colony deny Williams and his people privi- 
leges; many things were done to disrupt his little colony; 
brewing contentions, disputing title to, or jurisdiction over 
land on which he located: and when he returned from 
England armed mth the charter obtained May 14, 1643-44, 
from the Parliamentary committee, of which Earl of War- 
wick was chairman, feeling sure he could rightfully claim the 



46 

territory held in dispute, he was served with a notice that 
the Massachusetts Colony held a charter called the Narra- 
gansett Patent, dated three months prior to his charter, 
covering the same tract of land. For some reason, how- 
ever, this claim was not pressed. Was it a forgery? Wil- 
liams said Earl Warwick told him he knew of no other 
charter for that territory. 

Among the thousands of men and women driven to 
these New England shores were many of the very highest 
type England had produced. Some of them possessed of 
superior knowledge, wise, thoughtful, prudent, industrious 
people, trained in the principles of the pure religion of 
their time, they were prepared to formulate a popular 
government based upon human rights and equality among 
men. 

Although they knew what it meant to smart under the 
lash of theological and ecclesiastical dogma, they did not 
hesitate to apply the same treatment whenever and where- 
ever it seemed to them good for the community. That 
there were cranks among them cannot be denied. But 
God's elect were there, and to them is due the honor and 
glory of shaping the beginnings of New England. The 
colony of Pilgrims at Plymouth enjoyed the special dis- 
tinction of being first among the permanent settlers, and 
planting the seeds for popular government. But to the 
Puritans must be given the credit for dressing the ground, 
raking out the weeds, and preparing for the full rich harvest. 
Men of large estates and men of moderate means joined 
hands in the undertaking. But father Time, who levels 
all conditions in life, was there, and within a few short 
years, riches had taken wings, wealth was not to be found 
in the colony, it had gone to the aid of the common need. 

The hand of Gov. Winthrop was ever extended toward 
the needy. His estate when he left England was worth 
£700 (equal to $10,500), a year, yet it is related that as he 
was dealing out the last handful of meal in his cupboard 



47 

to relieve a starving family, a ship laden with provisions 
appeared in the harbor to the relief of the settlement. 

There were many persons who gave from their estates 
until they were spent in promoting the general welfare of 
the colony. Another writer, referring to the experience of 
those early days, says, "Their straits were sometimes so 
great that the very crusts from his father's table in England 
would have been as a dainty in this Wilderness." If such 
scanty cupboards were found among the better classes, 
how must it have been among those of the middle or lower 
classes? 

I fear I have already wearied you, but in closing let me 
add: — 

Who can tell what the fate of this country would have 
been had not those civil and religious persecutions been 
enacted in England during the period to which we have 
referred? Queen Elizabeth, King James I. and Charles L, 
with their assistants Thomas Wentworth and William Laud, 
unwittingly engineered the grandest, noblest political 
achievement of the centuries. They forced to these shores 
many thousands of Old England's strong, resolute, high- 
minded, liberty-loving people, who mapped out and laid 
the foundations for a magnificent republic, which to-day 
is the pride and glory of her eighty-four millions of happy, 
thrifty people, — the envy of the whole world. Surely there 
must have been a power behind the throne, guiding and 
directing movements that brought forth such stupendous 
results in behalf of a noble type of humanity, and the 
true principles of a just and equitable government among 
men. 



ORIGIN AND USE OF POST-ROADS IN 
NEW ENGLAND. 

When Mr. Charles E. Staples handed me the photographs 
of a few of the old milestones found standing near Fram- 
ingham on the line of the old road leading from Boston, 
my first thought was, tliey were pictures of rough stone 
monuments set in their places simply to indicate to the 
traveler the distance to or from Boston, indicating at least 
that if Boston was not the end of the journey, it might 
be reckoned from as the starting point for all travelers. 
But it was hardly necessary to erect those monuments 
merely to tell distance, for the New England Yankee has 
the reputation of being a good guesser, besides that, he 
does not hesitate to ask questions. While these rare old 
monuments stand for all that has been intimated they 
also have a far deeper significance; they are to be counted 
among the great milestones in the development and prog- 
ress of the country and the general march of civilization. 

It requires no small stretch of imagination for the New 
England people of today to realize that this beautiful 
landscape, enriched by fertile fields, attractive homes, 
thriving towns and great bustling cities, the pride and 
joy of generations of contented people, was once an un- 
broken wilderness, inhabited only by wild beasts and a 
race of wild people whose only apparent aim and object 
was to exist. At that time the only means of intercourse 
between the several tribes and families of these red men 
was found over rugged paths and blind trails through 
the forests, or to float in their roughly made dugouts upon 
the various watercourses that now add beauty to the 



50 

scenery. The location of many of those early paths has 
been forgotten. Records of a few of them, however, 
have come down to us. The Old Connecticut or Bay Path, 
as it has variously been styled, notable as the avenue 
over which William Pynchon led his band of followers 
to Springfield, is perhaps among the most prominent. 

It grew from a simple Indian trail to the main avenue 
for traffic between Boston and the early settlements on 
the Connecticut River, and has been so well described by 
our Mr. Levi Chase in his paper printed in the Society's 
Proceedings, April meeting, 1895, that I will just thus 
call attention to it. It ran from Cambridge through 
Waltham, Marlboro (now Framingham), Hopkinton, West- 
boro, Grafton, Sutton, Oxford, Charlton, Sturbridge and 
Brimfield to the Connecticut River. 

For forty years from 1633, the time John Oldham, 
that indefatigable trader, passed over this route in pursuit 
of traffic with the Indians, this Connecticut Path was 
the chief or central overland route to the westward from 
Boston. December 23, 1673, a new road was ordered 
by the court to be laid out, to go through Marlboro and 
Worcester to Brookfield. This was known as the Country 
Road and also as the Connecticut Road. It soon became 
the popular way from Boston to the Connecticut River 
Valley and to Albany, New York. It was perhaps at first 
little more than a path or trail in condition to accommodate 
pack trains or the traveler on foot or on horseback, then 
a common way of transporting merchandise or covering 
distance across the country from place to place. In 1715, 
representatives of several towns in Hampshire County 
asked the General Court to appoint a committee to discover 
and report where a road for carts and wagons might be 
most conveniently made from Marlboro to Springfield and 
from Brookfield to Hadley. We presume the committee 
was chosen and a portion of the work accomplished. Seven 
years later the General Court expended about fifteen 



51 

pounds in repairing the highway from Worcester to Brook- 
field. In the early history of these trails or roads there 
were few if any bridges over the streams, they were crossed 
at selected fording places. 

In setting out from Boston in the very early days it was 
necessary to cross the Charles River by f(3rry to Charles- 
town, where Edward Converse, in 1631, established a 
ferry. In 1640, the profits of this ferry went to Harvard 
College. At first one boat was used, soon it was found 
necessary to use two (one to be kept on each side of the 
river). In 1781, four boats were required to meet the 
demands of the service. In 1785, a petition was presented 
to the Legislature for leave to build a bridge over the 
Charles River between Boston and Cambridge. But this 
scheme was defeated by the passage of a bill to construct 
a bridge between Boston and Charlestown where the 
ancient ferry had been established. This bridge wa*s 
opened to travel January 17, 1786. Thus it will be noticed 
that for more than one hundred and fifty years one of 
the principal outlets for travel from Boston toward the 
north and west by trail or wagon road was by means of 
tliis ferry. 

Some years prior to the construction of this bridge 
from Boston to Charlestown there was a bridge over the 
Charles River, connecting what is now Brighton and 
Cambridge, possibly built about 1641. From the best 
information at hand these two routes, the one over this 
Charlestown Ferry and the one passing out over Boston 
Neck to Roxbury and on through Dedham, or crossing 
the Charles River at this upper bridge and going by way 
of Watertown, were the outlets open to the traveler con- 
templating an overland journey to the west or south. 

At first, the old Indian trails were followed where it 
was found convenient to do so. But as various towns 
were located, better roads were made to accommodate 
the travel. Prior to the War of the Revolution travel, 



52 

or the transportation of merchandise by teams, was confined 
within certain limits and to special locations. That seven- 
years' war, while it drained the country of its treasures, 
and drenched the land in blood, opened the way for those 
who survived the shock, to gain a far better Imowledge 
of their country, as well as the people who occupied it, 
and to partially foresee the great possibilities to be realized 
by its development in the future. 

In 1764, we find the Upper Post Road advertised, from 
Boston to Hartford and New Haven. Although it had been 
in general use a number of years, possibly as early as 1755, 
or earlier, it had not been styled a post-road. It passed 
through Watertown, Waltham, Weston, Sudbury, Marl- 
boro, Northboro, Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, 
Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Long 
Meadow, Enfield, Windsor, East Hartford, Hartford, 
Wethersfield, Middletown, Durham, Wallingford, Nortli 
Haven to New Haven (162 miles). It was then, as it 
is now, forty-four miles from Boston to Worcester, and 
in the latter place four houses of entertainment were to 
be found to supply the necessary comforts for the traveler. 
John Curtis kept the one nearest the Shrewsbury line^ 
it being two miles distant from that town. Two miles 
towards the centre of the village came Brown's Tavern. 
One mile further stood the Stearns' Tavern, and a travel 
of two miles further west found the Jones Tavern. These 
houses were of sufficient distance apart when taking into 
consideration the slow mode of travel to prepare the 
appetite for a sample of flip from each of the four Worcester 
landlords. 

The Middle Road, from Boston to Hartford, was also 
in use as early as 1759. This road passed through Dedham, 
Medfield, Medway, Mendon, Uxbridge, Douglas, Thompson, 
Pomfret, Ashford, Mansfield, Coventry, East Hartford to 
Hartford and on to New Haven, through Wethersfield, 
Great Swamp, Kensington, Meriden, Wallingford, North 



53 

Haven (151 miles). The Lower Road, which was the 
oldest "Post Road," or "King's Highway," over which 
Benjamin Franklin as Deputy Postmaster-General, set 
mileposts, was in use as early as 1737, and laid down as 
the (only) road from Boston to New Haven and on to 
New York. The distance was 278 miles, as given in Jacob 
Taylor's almanac for the year 1737. It passed through 
" Dedham, Whites, Billends (Billings) ,Woodcock, Providence, 
French Town, Darby, Pemberton, Stonington, New London, 
Seabrook, Killingworth, Gilford, Branford, New Haven, 
Millford, Stradford, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stanford, Horse 
Neck, Rye, New Rochel, East Chester, King's Bridge, 
Half-way-House to New York." A road was also given 
by Taylor from New York to Philadelphia (98 miles), 
and from the latter place to Annapolis, Maryland, 144 
miles. 

Although as early as 1758, there were three roads by 
which New Haven could be reached from Boston, there 
was but one road connecting New Haven with New York. 
As early as 1770, there were other roads leading out from 
Boston, — one to Plymouth on the Cape, another hi a 
northerly direction to Portsmouth, N. H., passing through 
Medford, Woburn, Wilmington, Andover, Bradford, Haver- 
hill, Plastow, Kingston, Exeter, Stratham, Greenland to 
Portsmouth, sixty-six miles. There was also a road to 
Portsmouth, turning at Medford, going through Lynn, 
Salem, Ipswich, Newbury, Hampton, coming into the 
other road at Greenland. This road reached further on 
through York, Wells, Kennebunk, Scarborough, Falmouth, 
North Yarmouth, Brunswick, George Town, Pawnalboro, 
Fort Western, Fort Halifax and by passing on over the 
Great Carrying Place, Quebec was to be reached. This 
possibly was the route taken by Arnold and his command, 
including Col. Timothy Bigelow and other Worcester 
men, on their way to attempt the capture of Quebec, 
September, 1775. There was still another route to 



54 

the northward, in 1770, called the Road to Number 
Four, crossing the Charlestown Ferry and passing through 
Cambridge, Lexington, Concord, Acton, Littleton, Groton, 
Shirley, Lunenburg, Fitchburg, Ashburnham, Winchendon, 
Swanzey, Keene, Walpole to Charlestown, N. H. (119 
miles). These six or seven roads were the main avenues 
by land to the east, north, south and west from Boston, 
which it will be seen was the Hub then as it is now. 

No doubt the development of the country would have 
been far more rapid from the year 1770, had not the war- 
cry been sounded commanding the attention as well as 
the services of nearly every man, woman and child in 
the land. At last peace came, and after the shattered 
forces of the country could again swing into regular motion 
the onward march was renewed, and internal improve-, 
ments grew apace. Not however until Captain Levi 
Pease became prominent as the pioneer in establishing 
lines of stages to run at stated times for the accommoda- 
tion of travelers, and the transportation of the mails, 
necessitating the building of good roads, was there rapid 
progress made in developing routes in New England and 
in various other parts of the country. 

Captain Pease was a native of Enfield, Connecticut. 
After serving as a soldier in the Revolutionary War, opened 
a tavern in the town of Somers in his native state, and 
after a moderately successful career, desiring a larger 
field from which to draw patronage, removed to Boston, 
assuming there the responsible duties ns entertainer for 
the traveler or the public in general at the "Lamb Tavern," 
which stood on the site of the present Adams House, 
Washington street. Mr. Samuel A. Drake says, it was 
at this "Lamb Tavern" that the first stage to Providence, 
R. I., put up, which was advertised by Thomas Sabin 
July 20, 1707, and it was from this same tavern that Captain 
Pease, when its landlord established the first permanent 
stage-line between Boston and Hartford, Conn., as driver, 



55 

starting on his first trip, Monday morning, October 20, 
1783. He was by trade a blacksmith and his associate 
in this enterprise, Reuben Sikes, was also a blacksmith 
and a native of Somers, Conn, They with an equipment 
of eight horses and two wagons began the venture. Pease 
starting from his tavern in Boston Mondays at six o'clock 
A. M. for Hartford and Sikes leaving Hartford simultaneous- 
ly for Boston, each arriving at his destination on Thursday 
of the same week. It was prophesied that financially 
the scheme would prove a failure. For that reason Pease 
found no person with money willing to join him except 
his old friend and fellow tradesman, Reuben Sikes. Week 
after week, and month following month, the trips were 
regularly made whether there were passengers or no. 
Within two years, however, the route became a paying 
one, and the line was extended to New York, The success 
of the enterprise was by this time no longer in doubt, 
and within three years from the initial trip (January, 
1786), a line of stages carrying passengers and the mail 
was established from Portsmouth, N. H., to Savannah, 
Ga. Captain Pease removed to Shrewsbury in 1793, he 
deeming that a more advantageous point from which to 
manage his rapidly growing stage traffic, and purchased 
the tavern owned and kept by Major John Farrer. For 
many years Captain Pease held the government contract 
for carrying the mails throughout New England, and 
recognizing the necessity for good roads championed the 
cause for their construction by securing the charter for 
the "First Massachusetts Turnpike Corporation," in 1796. 
The road lay between Palmer and Warren, The Sixth 
Massachusetts Turnpike, from Shrewsbury to Amherst, 
was built in the year 1800; the Worcester Turnpike six 
years later. Captain Pease died in Shrewsbury, January 
28, 1824, it is said, a poor man, having sacrificed all his 
earnings in developing stage routes and constructing roads. 
He certainly was a public benefactor, and deserves a suitable 



56 

monument to his memory that shall tell those who may 
visit his last resting-place the simple story of his patriotism 
and courage not only for the cause of country upon the 
battle-field, but of his courage in helping to develop the 
country after the smoke of the conflict had cleared away. 

As early as the year 1800, there were at least four post- 
roads leading out from Boston, — one to Portsmouth and 
Machias via Newbury, etc., one to New York via Worcester 
and Hartford, another to Windsor, Vt., branching off at 
Springfield, the fourth to Providence, R. I. They were 
what might be called the principal or main roads. There 
were other highways centering in Boston, over which 
thirty lines of stages were advertised to depart for various 
points in the country. The road to New Haven via 
Worcester was published as the best road. Fares on the 
"Mail Stage," six and one-fourth cents per mile; fares 
on the "Old line," three and one-half cents per mile, — 
making the cost of passage to New Haven $9.87 in the 
mail stage, and $8.75, old line (about fourteen miles of the 
distance being saved by the route followed by the mail 
stage). 

Stages leaving Boston Monday 10 A. M. would arrive 
in New York Thursday at 11 A. M. (one hour over three 
days), summer season. In winter season, they left Boston 
Tuesday 8 A. M., reaching New York Saturday 11 A. M, 
(four days and three hours). This speed (although slow 
compared with means of travel to-day), was like an express 
train compared with the attempt in July, 1772, to carry 
passengers between New York and Boston, naming thirteen 
days for the trip each w^ay. But this scheme was a failure. 
In 1806, there were two stages through Worcester each 
way daily. Two years later there were four each way 
daily. 

But why were certain highways given the name of 
"Post Roads"? That term is said to have originated in 
France. They were routes selected over which couriers 



57 

or letter-carriers traveled, having horses posted at regular 
places for their use, and originally instituted for carrying 
court or government messages. In France they were 
fixed by Louis XI. by ordinance June 19, 1464. First 
established in England by an act of Parliament about the 
year 1672, although the rate of one penny per mile for 
the use of post-horses was fixed as early as 1548, and 
thirty-three years later, during the reign of Elizabeth, the 
office of chief postmaster of England is mentioned, and 
under James I. the office of postmaster for foreign parts 
was created. 

In the early history of our American Colonies letter- 
writing was a far greater accomplishment than it is at 
the present time. Few of the early settlers could write, 
in fact it was the exception rather than the rule when 
one was found who could write, consequently the yeomanry 
of the country used written communications extremely 
seldom. But on November 5, 1639, the Colonial govern- 
ment, recognizing the need of a responsible person to 
receive and forward letters that might come from across 
the sea, or even from within the limits of the Colonies, 
decided that the house of Richard Fairbanks in Boston 
should be the repository for all letters, he to see that they 
were delivered and sent according to directions. Mr. 
Fairbanks' house stood on Cornhill. There the people 
could call for their mail. There were no newspapers, no 
printed periodicals to be transported. The Colonial 
government had no system for the transportation of private 
correspondence. Letters were carried to and fro through 
the kindness of friends or of travelers going or coming 
in the proper direction. It was also a custom for the 
captain of a vessel when about to sail, to receive letters 
and small packages directed to certain points at which 
he might touch on his voyage, and deliver them or hand 
them to some person who would assist in getting the mis- 
sives to their proper destination. 



58 

People were in the habit of visiting vessels on their 
arrival in port, to see if they had been remembered by 
their far-away relatives or friends, although there were 
some who seldom and perhaps never went to the wharf 
to enquire for letters; and as many times the captains 
would be unable to find owners for the letters sent in their 
care, they would hand them to some person in the town 
to be delivered. There were so many losses and such 
great delay in delivery reported, that the Colonial govern- 
ment decided that all private letters, whether brought by 
captains or otherwise, should be left at the house of Richard 
Fairbanks, who for many years served the public as post- 
master of Boston. Government messages were delivered 
by specially appointed agents or messengers, who either 
performed their mission on foot or on horseback. Through 
a petition to the General Court of the Colony we learn 
that owing to carelessness of carriers and the uncertain 
way provided for delivery, many letters failed of reaching 
their destination, and John Haywood was chosen to take 
letters and convey them in Boston as they were directed. 
Three years later (1680) Haywood was allowed to collect 
one penny for each letter delivered. Haywood died Decem- 
ber 2, 1687, and June 11, 1689, Richard Wilkins succeeded 
him in caring for the private letters in Boston. 

The price to be paid messengers sent with government 
despatches was fixed January 6, 1673-74, by the General 
Court at three pence a mile to the place sent, no landlord 
or innholder to charge such messenger more than two 
shillings a bushel for oats and four pence for hay, day 
and night. John Knight of Charlestown was appointed 
a post for the country's service, and notice was given for 
all innholders and ferrymen to further him on his journey- 
ings. He was authorized to press horse or horses to his 
use when necessary. This appointment may have been 
made in anticipation of war with France, for two weeks 
later (July 14), the General Court voted that the govern- 



59 

ment of Rhode Island be invited to join Massachusetts 
in carrying on war against New France and that a post 
be settled for speedy intelligence between Boston and 
Rhode Island. February 17, 1691-92, King William and 
Mary issued letters patent to Thomas Neale, granting 
him full power to establish offices in their chief ports and 
said majesties' Colonies and Plantations in America and 
appoint an officer or officers for receiving and despatching 
letters, packages, at such rates and sums of money, as 
the planters shall agree to give. Andrew Hamilton was 
appointed Deputy Postmaster-General for the Plantations 
and Colonies in America April 4, 1692, a letter from the 
queen dated May 26, 1692, directed to Sir William Phips, 
Governor of Massachusetts Bay, announced or confirmed 
the appointment. 

Rates of postage were fixed as follows, from ports bej'^ond 
the sea : each single letter two pence, each packet of letters 
four pence. Letters remaining in the office forty-eight 
hours were to be sent to destination where directed and 
one penny collected on each letter on payment, for 
delivery. 

Inland mail: from Rhode Island to Boston each single 
letter six pence; from Connecticut to Boston, nine pence; 
from New York to Boston, twelve pence; from New Jersey 
or Pennsylvania to Boston, fifteen pence; from Virginia and 
Maryland to Boston, two shillings; to or from Salem 
to Boston three pence; to or from Ispwich to Boston four 
pence; to or from Piscataqua to Boston six pence. 

All public letters to be sent free of charge. The post 
was to pass all ferries free. Hamilton agreed to erect a 
post-ofjice in Boston by the first of the following month 
of May and that the post should pass from Boston to 
New York and Piscataqua once every week, and certain 
days were to be fixed for its going and coming. The 
postmaster was to provide men and horses with necessary 
equipment to ride and deliver the mail matter. All letters 



60 

to be paid for on delivery and the postmaster or agent 
was to endorse the words post paid, 

Andrew Hamilton, the first Postmaster-General for the 
American Colonies, was by birth a Scotchman, and for 
many years a successful merchant in Edinburgh. He 
first visited America as agent for the proprietors (residing 
in Great Britain), of East and West New Jersey; after 
making a careful inspection, returned to England and 
presented a report of his findings. During the summer 
or fall of 1686, he came and joined the New Jersey settle- 
ment, was appointed a member of the governor's council 
and on the return of Governor Lord Neil Campbell to 
England, was chosen to succeed him as governor. In 
August, 1689, Hamilton sailed for England for the purpose 
of consulting with the proprietors there, was taken prisoner 
and detained by the French, not reaching England until 
May 18, 1690, when he resigned the office of governor. 
But under William and Mary was reappointed March 25, 
1692, and returned to the Colony in September following. 
Owing to the report of certain frauds and irregularities 
being committed within the Colonies, an act was passed 
by Parliament that only native born subjects of England 
could serve in any public post of trust and profit. As 
New Jersey was not entirely free from political factions, 
the argument was presented that Hamilton was a Scotch- 
man and could not hold the office of governor under this 
act. In the spring of 1698, Hamilton again sailed for 
the mother country, and Jeremiah Basse, formerly an 
Anabaptist minister, was chosen by the settlers in the 
Province as governor. This action caused a tumult in 
the Colony, friends of Hamilton would not recognize the 
authority of Basse, offenders were tried and imprisoned, 
officers were abused and maltreated, riot and disorder now 
prevailed throughout the New Jersey Colony, which under 
the management of Hamilton had greatly prospered. 
August 19, 1699, Hamilton was again appointed Governor 




ox OI.D TURXI'IKK IX S(JUTH]i()R( )'. 

(1(U milps to Worce-ter.) 




'>■':' 



•x- 




iV^^.^ 






r/*^v^fe:v. - -f^*^ 






ON OLD STAGE ROAD IN STURBRIDGE. 



61 

of New Jersey, his friends in England obtaining a state- 
ment from the Solicitor-General that his being a Scotchman 
did not prevent him from holding the ofRce. Basse, the 
deposed official, inmiediately went to England and exerted 
himself trying to prevent any reconciliation between the 
discordant factions on either side of the water, and Hamil- 
ton's return to New Jersey was followed with more or less 
trouble from the friends of Basse, and after a trial of about 
three years Lord Viscount Cornbury was, July 25, 1702, 
appointed to succeed him. It will be noticed that Hamilton 
received his appointment as Deputy-Postmaster for the 
American Colonies while on one of his visits to England. 
His home for the greater portion of the time passed in 
this country was in Burlington, N. J. He was a man of 
ability and very generally well liked. The principal 
charge made against him in New Jersey was his friendship 
for the Quakers. He was an associate with William Penn 
and held the office of Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsylvania 
at the time of his death, which occurred April 26, 1703. 

November 23, 1693, Duncan Campbell was Deputy- 
Postmaster at Boston, under Hamilton. The post-office 
(first in the country), had been erected in Boston, and 
the department was found to be laboring under serious 
difficulties. The people having been accustomed to sending 
letters without price, were exceedingly slow to accept the 
new arrangement; as a result Campbell petitioned the 
General Court to grant an annuity to help pay his salary, 
as the receipts of the office did not come to more than 
one-third the expense of the department. The court 
however failed to respond to Campbell's relief, and the 
following year he again petitioned that honorable body 
in substance as follows: — 

In behalf of Andrew Hamilton Esq Postmaster General 
of North America, Humbly Represents That whereas their 
magesties have been pleased to erect a Post Office in these 
parts of America, Which Post office has been duly kept 



62 

and maintained by constant Posts in the trading part of 
this country for above twelve months and is of public 
use, benefit and advantage not only to merchants and 
other travelers but to every respective government more 
especially to this Province by reason that all public letters 
and Expresses have been conveyed and despatched free 
of charge and finding so small encouragement by letters 
that it will not countervale one half of the charge thereof. 
Wherefore tis hoped, This Honorable Court will take 
the premises into your prudent consideration and not to 
suffer so general a benefit to fail for want of due encourage- 
ment. But that you will please to appoint and state some 
salary to be paid out of the public revenue towards the 
support of the said office for sometime, as the neighboring 
Provinces have done. That is to say, York hath allowed 
£50, and Hampshire £20, per Annum for the space of 
three years. 

Your Esquiers and Honorables humble Servant 

DUNCAN CAMPBELL. 

In answer to this petition the General Court voted to 
pay 20£ annually for two years, and the act was approved 
June 20, 1694. 

No doubt Campbell was grateful for this act on the part 
of the court, but he did not hesitate to ask in addition, 
that he be relieved from paying taxes, and also be given 
a license to sell strong drinks, it being as he said only 
what other postmasters in other plantations were allowed. 
Possibly the government granted these simple requests, 
not caring to fall behind other plantations in granting 
perquisites to their public servants. And as a further 
indication of their desire to support the department, the 
General Court, "voted that for three years all persons not 
bringing letters to the post-office (except those excepted), 
shall pay four times the regular rates." 



63 

Death closed the earthly career of Duncan Campbell 
in 1702, and his successor in office, John Campbell, in the 
following year renewed the work of memorializing the 
General Court, citing a long list of grievances, the tenor 
of which seemed to be that the public failed to patronize 
the department; the ferrymen were not as prompt in 
serving the post-riders as they should be; the income 
was not sufficient to cover expenses; the department 
was indebted to Colonel Hamilton 1400£ sterling and as 
Thomas Neale would not pay him he had taken a mortgage 
on the patent, it being the only security obtainable; that 
now (May 26, 1703), the entire postal service in North 
America was dependent upon Colonel Hamilton; that 
the whole scheme was liable to be abandoned on account 
of irregularities on the part of the people and lack of finan- 
cial support. 

The claim was made that the government was enjoying 
a benefit of 150£ a year by the free delivery of official 
letters. It was also stated that the cost of maintaining 
the post-office department from Piscataqua to Philadelphia, 
postmasters, riders, etc., was 680£ per year. New Eng- 
land's part was 458£ 6s 8p; that of New York and Phila- 
delphia being 226£ 13s 4p. The expense in New England 
being about 37£ 15s 6p per month; receipts 21£ 17s 4p 
each month; leaving deficit of about 15£ ISs 2p. Taking 
the foreign and domestic mail service together, there was 
a shortage of about 275£ per annum. The promptness of 
the period in obtaining news, or important items of events^ 
is shown in the fact that Postmaster-General Hamilton 
died just one month prior to the date of Campbell's peti- 
tion. This postmaster, John Campbell, was the founder 
of the Boston Newsletter in 1704, the earliest newspaper 
printed in America. 

Arrangements had been made to transport the mails 
for a period of twenty-one years, from February 17, 1691, 
to February 17, 1712. That thus far the venture was a 



64 

losing one, had been fully demonstrated, and strenuous 
appeal for help came from the postmaster. To encourage 
patronage, a less rate of postage was made on domestic 
letters: Portsmouth to Boston four pence from six pence; 
Merrimac River to Boston three pence from four pence; 
Salem to Boston two pence from three; Connecticut to 
Boston six pence from nine pence. 

A fine of 5£ sterling was laid upon the ferryman who 
should detain a post-rider, and the owners of horses pressed 
into service were to receive six pence per mile for their 
use. The government of Massachusetts Bay decided in 
1703, to pay 10£ towards the arrearage, and 20£ for the 
ensuing year; later the sum was fixed at 20£ and 30£ 
respectively per annum. The pioneers in this mail service 
undoubtedly labored under many disadvantages and 
discouragements, including bad roads, lack of patronage, 
and in certain seasons, deep snows and high water. Occa- 
sions were not infrequent when snow-shoes were substituted 
for horses by those who carried the mail. 

In 1704, the eastern post left Boston for Piscataqua 
every Monday night at seven o'clock. Letters must be 
in the office by six o'clock. The mail from Piscataqua 
reached Boston every Saturday. The western post left 
Boston during December, January and February, fort- 
nightly on Tuesday at noon, and came in fortnightly every 
Saturday at noon. Thomas Battis was killed July 29, 1704, 
while riding the western post at a point east of Hadley 
on his return trip. This same year Lewis Bane was post- 
rider from York, Maine, to Berwick, and asked the General 
Court to pay him for service and a saddle. In 1719, 
William Brooker is recorded as the postmaster in Boston, 
and in 1727, Henry Marshall was occupying that position 
and had then been filling the office for the space of two 
years. 

At the death of Thomas Neale, which occurred prior 
to the year 1700, it was found that his estate was indebted 




ON MAIN ROAD JiETWEEN UKDFORD AND DILLERICA. 



65 

to Andrew Hamilton for the sum of 1100£, the amount 
the latter had expended in excess of the receipts, in main- 
taining the post department in the American Colonies. 
Neale's estate being insolvent, Hamilton took an assign- 
ment of the charter rights to conduct the post business 
which he had instituted in America. As we have stated, 
Hamilton died in 1703, and his widow continued to conduct 
the business. In the year 1706, the English government 
paid the widow Hamilton 1664£ and assumed the owner- 
ship of the department, appointing John Hamilton (a son 
of Andrew), deputy-postmaster for the American Colonies. 
He resigned the office in 1722. 

The next person as yet found associated with the office 
is Alexander Spotswood, who served from 1730 to 1739, 
and possibly until his death in 1740. He was an able 
man, and a popular governor of Virginia. 

In 1753, one of America's most notable men, whose 
service for his country and for the world will never be 
forgotten so long as the pages of history remain, Benjamin 
Franklin, received the appointment of deputy-postmaster 
for the America Colonies. It was a most fitting appoint- 
ment, although it came in connection with the name of 
another gentleman, William Hunter. The experience 
enjoyed by Mr. Franklin as Postmaster of Pennsylvania 
for a dozen or more years prior to this appointment, in 
addition to his natural ability, made him master of the 
situation, and he entered upon the duties of the office 
with both proficiency and earnestness. During his first 
year he made a tour of the country for the purpose of 
inspecting and establishing mail routes, and it is said 
visited every post-office within the American Colonies but 
the one at Charleston, S. C. Five months were expended 
in making this trip, and setting the mile-posts on the 
"Old Road" or "King's Highway." He rode in a chaise 
with a registering wheel attached, noting the distance 
traveled, and the men accompanying him sot the posts. 



66 

Mr. Franklin says, having been some time employed by 
the postmaster-general as his controller in regulating 
several offices and bringing the officers to account, I was, 
upon his death in 1753, appointed jointly with Mr. William 
Hunter to succeed him by a commission from the postmaster- 
general in England. The American office had never paid 
any revenue to Britain. We were to have six hundred 
pounds between us if we could get it out of the profits 
of the department. 

To put the department on a good foundation certain 
large expenditures were necessary, and the first four years 
found us in debt nine hundred pounds. But it soon began 
to pay and yielded to England three times as much as the 
department in Ireland. While on his visit to New England 
in 1753, m the interest of the post-offi(!e department, 
Harvard College conferred upon Franklin the degree of 
A.M. 

Owing to Mr. Franklin's expressed sympathy with the 
action of those not in harmony with the English govern- 
ment he was dismissed from the office as deputy-post- 
master-general for the Colonies January 31, 1774. 

The Colonies however immediately established their own 
postal system, and July 26, 1775, he was elevated by the 
Continental Congress into the position of postmaster-general 
for the American Colonies, and with this appointment the 
department at Washington began its existence. In 1754, 
James Franklin (a brother of Benjamin), was postmaster 
at Boston, with the office in his house on Cornhill. Tuthill 
Hubbard was the Boston postmaster, 1771 to 1778. Post- 
riders and postmasters were by an act of the General Court 
July 5, 1777, made exempt from military duties. 

There seems no evidence of sufficient weight to disprove 
the statement that the system of transporting travelers 
by means of public stage lines running regularly on schedule 
time was inaugurated in America by Captain Eevi Pease 
and his friend Reuben Sikes in 1783. Prior to this date 



67 

traveling overland was performed chiefly by private or 
special conveyance, the saddle-horse being the most common 
means of overcoming long distances. At the opening of 
the first line the advertised stage-run, Boston to Hartford, 
was from six o'clock Monday morning to the Thursday 
noon following (three and one-half days). From Hartford 
to New Haven the run was made in one day. From 
New Haven to New York the passage was generally made 
by Packet Boat. In 1786 this line of stages connected 
Portsmouth, N. H., with Savannah, Ga., via Boston, 
Worcester, Hartford, New Haven, New York and Phila- 
delphia. There was a line of stages running between 
Boston and Providence as early as 1787. 
Rates of postage in 1798 were: — 

Single letters 30 miles six cents; 60 miles eight cents; 
100 miles ten cents; 150 miles twelve and one-half cents; 
200 miles fifteen cents; 250 miles seventeen cents; 350 
miles twenty cents; 450 miles twenty-two cents; over 
450 miles twenty-five cents. Double letters double rates; 
triple letters triple rates; packet weighing one ounce, 
at rate of four shillings letters, or twenty-four cents each 
ounce; every enclosure same as a letter. 

In 1800: not over 40 miles eight cents; not over 90 
miles ten cents; not over 150 miles tw^elve and one-hnlf 
cents; not over 300 miles seventeen cents; not over 500 
miles twenty cents; over 500 miles twenty-five cents. 
Two pieces paper, double rates; three pieces paper, triple 
rates; four pieces paper weighing one ounce, four rates; 
every ship letter received at an office with six cents. 

In 1821, also 1830: 30 miles six cents; 80 miles ten cents; 
150 miles twelve and one-half cents; 250 miles eighteen 
and one-half cents; 400 miles and over twenty-five cents. 

The first post-office was established in Worcester Novem- 
ber 15, 1775, with Mr. Isaiah Thomas as postmaster. One 
mail came from the west each Tuesday evening; one 



68 

from the east each Friday morning. In April, 1789, a 
list of uncalled-for letters was published by Mr. Thomas 
and were addressed to persons in Monson, Leicester, Barre, 
Brookfield, Westboro, Northboro, Palmer, Petersham, 
Rutland, Shrewsbury, Spencer, Leominster, Springfield, 
Westfield, Southboro, Paxton, Sutton and Wrentham 
(eighteen towns). In 1775, there were but twenty-eight 
post-offices in the country. One-half that number were 
in Massachusetts, although mainly located among the 
coast towns, and along the line of post-roads. In 1830, 
there were sixty-seven post-offices in Worcester County, 
Brookfield having three, New Braintree one, with Amasa 
Bigelow, postmaster. 

In 1811, there was a line of stages running from Boston 
to Albany, leaving Boston on Tuesdays, Thursdays and 
Saturdays at 3 P. M. There was also a line from Boston 
to Hartford over the Middle road, leaving Boston at 3 
P. M. daily except Sunday. The New York mail-stage 
went via Worcester, Brookfield and Hartford, leaving 
Boston at noon, reaching Worcester at half past eight, 
Hartford the next day at 11:30 and New York at noon 
the following day, consuming three days for the trip. 

There are people yet living who can recall the days 
when the stage-coach was the popular vehicle for the 
transportation of the traveler, and the United States mail. 
Not only New England, but the whole inhabited portion 
of the United States was at one time covered by a network 
of routes, over which the mail coach made daily trips. 

There was a certain fascination in witnessing daily, 
one, three or six of those beautiful outfits gliding over 
the road, the driver on the box guiding with taut lines, 
swinging his silver-mounted whip, to the crack of which 
each of the four or six horses would fly at the top of their 
speed, causing the rolling, rocking coach to creak with 
its heavy load of passengers as it threw up a cloud of dust 
in the rear of its track. The sight was far more enjoyable 



69 

and cheering than viewing a passing train of cars drawn 
by a locomotive, thundering along like a whirlwind, with 
its unknown possibility of danger. But the stage-coach as 
a traveling medium was not without its discouragements 
and embarrassments. There were occasionally bad roads, 
and reckless drivers, producing vexatious delays and more 
or less serious accidents. An old stage-driver, commenting 
upon the situation after the railroads began carrying 
passengers, said, "If you gets comfortably capsized into 
a ditch by the roadside, there you are, but if you gets 
blown up by an engine, run into a cutting, or off an em- 
bankment, where are you? " The skill displayed by some 
drivers in training and handling their horses was truly 
marvellous, and in those far-away days furnished a subject 
for special comment. What a source of admiration those 
high-spirited Morgan horses were, with their beautiful 
forms, sleek coats and high gamy heads, — no pet animal 
was ever better groomed than were those stage-horses. 

What a flutter of excitement was to be noticed in every 
little town and hamlet at the sound of the stage-horn as 
the four or six-in-hand coach, laden with dust-covered 
travelers, rolled up to the post-office to leave the country 
mail. There, old and young swarmed about the little 
store to take a peep at the strangers, meet old acquain- 
tances, secure a missive from an absent relative or friend 
and carry home the latest news from the outside world. 
Those were the days that brought life and activity into 
every hamlet. The stage-coach through its daily visits 
kept alive a feeling of interest among the people of the 
hill-towns with what was going on in the cities and larger 
villages. The subject of abandoned farms was not then 
occupying the minds of our people. 

The vehicles used by Captain Pease and his partner, 
Reuben Sikes, in making their initial trips were reported 
as comfortable carriages; but we presume were little or 
no better than our common wagons. As the work of 



70 

carrying passengers developed, special wagons were con- 
structed to meet demands. Some had long bodies to 
accommodate a large number of passengers, also a rack 
extending from the rear axle to carry the baggage. Then 
came the lighter carriages to carry less number of passengers 
and make quicker time. 

After experimenting with various styles of vehicles, 
the coach and the Concord-wagon, with bodies hung on 
thorough-braces, m9,de their appearance in the very early 
portion of the nineteenth century and were considered in 
their day the very height of convenience and luxury for the 
traveler. It is related that when in the year 1580, coaches 
were first introduced into England from France, for private 
use, grave alarm was expressed at the pernicious influence 
this mode of conveyance would have on the masculine 
character of her people. It was deemed a disgrace for 
a true Briton to make use of any invention solely suited 
to ladies or to Frenchmen. The man who shrank from 
the endurance of fatigue or exposure to the weather would 
surely prove a coward on the field of battle. The saddle 
was the appropriate seat, and not the soft cushion of a 
carriage. But the temptation of the proffered luxurious 
equipage could not be resisted, the coach was bound to 
come, and to check its on-coming the authorities passed 
an act making the use of coaches by a man, a punishable 
offence. Legislative prohibition even did not prevent the 
enjoyment derived by the wealthy Britons in their rivalry 
for costly turnouts, and a few years later, after the Dukes 
of Buckingham and Northumberland had severally driven 
in a coach-and-six and a coach-nnd-eight tlirough the 
streets of London, the act was, in 1625, repealed. 

It is claimed that Captain Simeon Draper of Brookfield 
on returning from a visit to England about 1815, brought 
the first coach that ran on the great post-road from Boston 
to Albany, havmg a baggage rack attached to the body 
of the coach instead of the rear axle, and that this coach 



71 

was used by some of the coach builders in this country 
as a pattern. The construction and ornamentation of 
some of these coaches was carried to a high degree of art. 
The materials used were carefully selected by experts, 
and the most skilled mechanics employed to work, and 
put the materials together, while artists of no middle class 
displayed their skill at decorations, many of their illumi- 
nated panels proving a source of great attraction. 

Israel Hatch and Thomas Beals were proprietors of the 
mail-stages running between Boston, and Providence, R. I., 
in 1793, the fare was $3 with fourteen pounds allowed for 
baggage. The charge was also $3 for carrying one hundred 
pounds of merchandise. In November, 1826, competition 
on this route reduced the price for a single fare to $1. 
July 31, 1793, Samuel Blodget was operating a stage line 
between Boston and Haverhill, which he had established 
some years prior to that date. 

May 15, 1804, a new line of stages commenced their 
trips from Boston over the Middle road, through Dedham, 
Medway, Milford, Mendon, Uxbridge to Hartford. The 
proprietors were Asa Foot, Abel Wheelock, Isaac Tnisk 
and Gragg and Estte. 

July 1, 1814, a new line, called the "Enterprise," was 
opened from Boston to New York. It passed over the 
Middle road, and advertised to make the trip in two days. 
The stages left the Exchange Coffee House in Boston at 
3 o'clock in the morning, dined at Thompson, Conn., 
thence through Ashford and Tolland, arriving at Hartford 
in the evening for lodgings, renewing the journey in the 
morning at 3 o'clock, passing through Meriden, taking 
breakfast at New Haven, continuing through Bridgeport 
and Stamford, dining at Horse Neck, reaching the City 
Hotel in New York on the evening of the second day 
from Boston. Post-chaises were furnished gentlemen 
traveling without their families, who wished to go faster 
or slower than the mail-coach. 



72 

June 18, 1824, Holman Graves and Company were 
proprietors of a line from Boston to Albany, passing through 
Lancaster and Athol. About May 25, the same year, the 
mail-coach with ten passengers, on its way to Boston, 
overturned and was broken in pieces in getting out of 
Worcester. No person was seriously injured by the 
accident. In those days each passenger was by rule allowed 
fourteen pounds for baggage, and obliged to pay three 
cents a pound for all over that weight, a regulation which 
caused more or less trouble to passengers unaccustomed 
to traveling by coach. 

During the first quarter of the nineteenth century the 
development of stage lines was marvellous. As early as 
March, 1826, there was a continuous line in operation 
from Machias, Me., to Detroit, Mich., and even be3^ond 
that point at the west. It was stated tlirough the press 
in April that year that there was no city in the United 
States where so much capital was invested in stage 
lines as Boston. Within a year or two the number of 
coaches in use on these lines had been doubled. What a 
change had been wrought since Captain Pease began his 
venture. 

Now there was fear the work might be overdone; numer- 
ous petty opposition lines had been set in motion and 
it was feared the cutting of prices would result in serious 
injury to the business. This same year, 1826, an associa- 
tion was formed by the proprietors of the various stage- 
lines, for the purpose of adopting rules to correct certain 
abuses. The association was called the New England 
Stage Association, Hiram Plummer, Esq., of Haverhill, 
was President, Calvin Bullard, of Boston, Secretary. They 
published the following notice: "Inasmuch as the running 
of stages has become an important business, requiring 
vast sums of money and employing a large number of 
persons, certain rules have been adopted prohibiting the 
employing of a driver who had been discharged for mis- 



73 

conduct or intemperance, or for the use of profanity or 
abusive language." 

In December, 1826, there were in Boston seventy arrivals 
and departures daily, and it was thought there were more 
than that number in Albany, N. Y. In Troy, N. Y., there 
were one hundred arrivals and departures each week over 
the various lines centering there. Four different lines of 
stages were plying between Troy and Boston: the 1st, 
via Brattleboro, Vt.; the 2d, via Williamstown and Green- 
field; 3d, via Cheshire and Petersham; the 4th, via Pittsfield, 
Northampton and Worcester. Enough has been said, no 
doubt, to thoroughly convince you that Captain Pease 
was not left to enjoy in peace his well-earned laurels in 
instituting a system of stage-lines for transportation of 
travelers and the United States mail, clearly demonstrating 
that it was no visionary scheme to end in financial disaster, 
as he was told it would by the persons he asked to join 
him in his initial undertaking in 1783. It had in 1826, 
grown into an industry of surprising magnitude. The 
tendency to overdo every enterprise that gives a fair return 
for the investment made, and undo every person who has 
the foresight and courage to inaugurate and develop such 
an industry, was perhaps as common then as it is at the 
present time. Through the means of opposition lines 
between Boston and Providence, where the regular fare 
was three dollars, it was cut to two and one-half, two, 
one and one-half and then to a dollar. Azariah Fuller 
was manager of the B. & P. Commercial Line and Timothy 
Gay of Dedham the Citizen's Coach Line. The report of 
another line gives the competition still more severe, the 
proprietors cutting the fares until they gave their passengers 
a free ride, and then the opposition line advertising to 
pay each passenger twenty-five cents that would ride 
with him. 

The practice of stage-drivers leaving their horses un- 
hitched, called forth an act from the General Court to 



74 

take effect June 1, 1827, fixing a penalty of two months' 
imprisonment or fifty dollars fine, for leaving their team 
unhitched or uncared for, when passengers were within 
the coach. It has been related of Genery Twichell, whose 
career was perhaps the most remarkable among the list 
of drivers, that he began as a driver, became proprietor, 
then conductor on the railroad, then superintendent, 
president and finally member of Congress. He used to 
send his horses at a high rate of speed up in front of the 
hotel door, drop the lines upon the backs of the wheel- 
horses and climb down from his seat to attend to other 
duties. Benjamin Thomas Hill has given Mr. Twichell so 
much space in his carefully prepared paper, "Beginnings 
of the Boston and Worcester Rail Road," that I will refer 
you to Vol. XVII., page 527, W. S. A. Publications. 

Shrewsbury, through the instrumentality of Captain 
Pease, became a popular stage town. It was the central 
point for the management of the Pease and Sikes stage- 
lines and for some years was alive with this industry. 
One Shrewsbury man became so thoroughly imbued with 
the spirit of the times that in after years, having removed 
to the neighboring town of Leicester and residing on the 
line of the western post-road, when called to lay aside 
the cares of this life asked that he might be buried on 
his land at the side of the road where he could hear the 
stages as they went by. Many interesting stories are 
told of the experience of travelers while traversing the 
country in those coaches. The strange speculations, the 
queer remarks and profound sayings uttered, caused anmse- 
ment among the parties and helped greatly to enliven the 
trip. Mr. Silas M. Freeman, who was driving on the 
Boston and New York mail route between Worcester and 
Sturbridge, was one day reprimanded by one of his passen- 
gers for some attention given in the form of chastisement 
to a certain balky horse in his team as he was making 
one of his regular trips. Not relishing any interference with 



75 

his duties, and thinking he knew best how to manage 
his horses, he, after persistent criticism on the part of 
the stranger, replied to him sharply, demanding that he 
stop his noise and cease interfering with that which was 
none of his business. After the station at Sturbridge was 
reached, some one said to the driver, do you know who 
that passenger is that you had words with; he replied he 
did not. That is John Quincy Adams, President of the 
United States. 

Mr. Freeman also enjoyed the distinction of having 
General Lafayette as a passenger while driving the mail- 
coach. At times when the roads were very slippery he 
used to run his horses down the Charlton Hills, first giving 
his passengers the choice of riding or walking down; they 
almost invariably replied, if you can ride we can. On 
occasions when there was a very deep fall of snow, people 
along the route would turn out with shovels, and help 
him through the drifts. Considerable time was required 
now and then to cut through certain places. At one 
time being greatly fatigued, he was advised by his helpers 
to wrap himself up and take a short nap while they removed 
the snow-bank. Mr. Freeman consented and awoke to 
find both feet frozen. Mr. Freeman also drove on the 
line from West Sutton to Woodstock, Conn. He died in 
Millbury, Mass., in 1880 aged seventy-seven years. 

Stories of robberies and murders were sometimes reported 
in connection with these stage routes. It is related that 
an attempt was made on March 25, 1809, by two villains 
to rob the mail as the stage bound east passed through 
Spencer on its way to Boston. The place selected for the 
robbery was near the sixtieth mile-post, where the road 
passed through a thick growth of timber and over a steep 
hill, causing the team to move at quite a slow pace at 
this point. There were no houses near at hand, and the 
stage made its way over this portion of the road usually 
in the night time; just at the moment when the robbers 



76 

were about to make their assault, the alarm was given 
by the driver's faithful dog, riding at his side, and the 
scheme was abandoned. Ephraim Mower and Simeon 
Draper offered a reward for the apprehension and convic- 
tion of the assailants, but the officers failed to secure 
them. 

During that same month of March a severe snow-storm 
blocked the roads for teams, and Perry Chapin, the driver, 
carried the mail on snow-shoes one day, from Worcester 
to Erookfield, nineteen miles. There were many times 
during those early days that heavy snows stopped the 
stages from going through and the mails were carried 
Vjetween Worcester and Brookfield on handsleds. The 
same desire prevailed in those days as it does at present, 
to outdo the common or ordinary every-day methods, and 
a more rapid delivery of the public mail was considered. 
The lighter, easy-running coach had replaced the heavy 
lumbering wagon. Now the mail must be carried faster 
than the speed of the four-in-hand coach, and despatches 
and important letters were sent forward on a light sulky 
rig with a special driver. To test the courage of Samuel 
Sturtevant, the carrier on this Worcester division, some 
Brookfield men planned to attack him on the "very spot 
in the Spencer woods where the robbery of the mail-coach 
was to have taken place. The first direct movement in 
the game was to see that the charges were stealthily drawn 
from Sturtevant's pistols immediately before he set out 
from Brookfield in the night on the arrival of the mail 
from the west. This was done, and the assailing party 
proceeded to the appointed place, where the attack on 
Sturtevant was made. The latter however met the aggres- 
sors with such furious and determined resistance as to 
completely defeat their plans to carry off the mail. Names 
of this party were secured, and on being called into court 
were each compelled to pay a fine amounting to fifty dollars, 
and costs of court, for as they expressed it a little harmless 



77 

fun, and to stimulate the drivers on the Hne to alertness 
and test their courage. 

Comparatively speaking there was not much careless 
driving. Nida Smith, who drove for Burt & Billings, 
came into Worcester one day from Boston, drove around 
by the post-office and then to the hotel and barn, where 
he put up his horses. As Smith left no mail at the office, 
the postmaster, Maturin L. Fisher, went in hot haste 
after Simeon Burt to know where the Boston mail was. 
Burt in turn sought Smith, who was in the stable caring 
for his horses. But Smith could not tell where the mail-bag 
was unless it was up in Salisbury's brook. Investigation 
was made and the mail-bag found in the brook, where 
they used to drive through the stream very near the Salis- 
bury mansion at Lincoln square. 

It was nearly sixty years ago that on the eighth day 
of January, in the afternoon, the mail-coach, well filled 
with passengers, left Worcester for Barre and the stations 
beyond. After traveling about two miles three teams 
were overtaken, they giving the road (as was the custom), 
the coach passed them, but had not proceeded far before 
one of the teams (a one-horse rig with two men on the 
seat), came rushing up and passed the coach, immediately 
slacking their pace to a walk. The road being icy and 
narrow at this point, the stage was compelled to follow 
in the rear. On reaching a wider place the stage attempted 
to go by, but the driver of the single team blocked the 
way, and continued so to do until the passengers were 
nearly wild with rage, threatening to do up the ill-mannered 
driver. All solicitations and pleadings from the driver of 
the coach proved of no avail, and to quiet his restive pas- 
sengers told them he knew the men lived in Hubbardston 
and would soon take the road leading in that direction 
and then they would be out of the way. Holden was 
reached and the coach stopped for exchange of mail. After 
the usual halt of a few minutes, the coach, renewing its 



78 

journey, soon came up behind this pestering single team. 
At this point one of the passengers urged the driver to 
stop the coach and let him get out, he would try and con- 
vince those imruly fellows it would be best to let the coach 
proceed, as nearly an hour's time had already been lost 
by their manocuverings. The passenger was advised to 
curb his temper. Already the road leading to Hubbardston 
had been passed and the single team yet in the lead. The 
driver of the coach was now resolved to test the strength 
of vehicles and when within about a mile of Rutland in 
a narrow place in the road there was a mix-up of coach 
and wagon, the result being that the wagon was doomed 
for extensive repairs, while the coach reached Barre one 
hour and a quarter behind time. These men were prose- 
cuted in the United States Court for obstructing the mail, 
found guilty and both fined. Luther A. May, town treasurer 
1850 to 1853, and Loring Bennett were the men who, with 
the hope of enjoying a little harmless fun, found themselves 
amenable to the law. 

A story is related of an incident that occurred in the 
year 1821, on the stage line from Boston to Albany, N. Y., 
via Wiiltham, Stow, Bolton, liancaster, Athol, Brattleboro 
and Bennington, Vt. The widow of an English colonel, 
whose home was in Porto Rico, a lady of wealth traveling 
for her health, while on her way from Albany to Boston, 
passing through the town of Athol, a slight accident oc- 
curred necessitating the changing of team and driver. 

The new driver was George who by his careful 

attention to passengers and horses grew into favor v/ith 
the widow from Porto Rico, who on reaching Lancaster, 
the end of his route, presented him with a silk pocket 
handkerchief, in one corner of which was tied a silver dollar. 
George hesitated to accept the gift, explaining he had 
performed no unusual service, therefore did not merit any 
reward. But she insisted, saying, always take care of 
the baggage and you will be prospered. The gift was 



79 

accepted with thanks. The relay being in readiness the 
relief driver mounted the box and with a flourish of his 
whip started the team at a rapid pace. The passengers 
in the coach soon realized they were in the hands of a 
reckless, whip-cracking Jehu, who was frequently snapping 
first at one horse then another, running them whenever 
his fancy dictated until a certain point in the road was 
reached not many miles from Lancaster, when the coach 
was overturned and rolled down an embankment ten or 
fifteen feet. An investigation soon disclosed the fact 

that widow B had sustained a serious injury, and one 

of the passengers mounted a horse and hurried back to 
Lancaster for help. Being a stranger in the town he rode 
to the stage barn, where he found George, who soon started 
a physician for the scene of the accident on one of his 
horses while he rode another and rendered the unfortunates 
all the assistance in his power. Excepting the widow 
from Porto Rico the passengers escaped serious injury, 
they only receiving a few bruises. She was taken from 
the overturned coach with a broken arm and carried to 
the nearest house, where the bone was set and the arm 
encased in splints. George helped to straighten out the 
tangled mass. Finding the vehicle not damaged beyond 
use, the horses were again attached to it and the whole 
party returned to Lancaster, from whence in due time 
another start was made for Boston, but with one less 
passenger than before, the widow deciding to remain and 
care for her fractured arm; George in the meantime, 
looking after her trunks and bandboxes and safely deposit- 
ing them at the hotel where they would be convenient for 

her use. Several weeks passed before Mrs. B was 

able to resume her journey toward Boston, and George 
(when at the Lancaster end of his route), would call to 
enquire if there were any errands she wished to have done, 
declining to take pay for his services. When the time 
came for leaving Lancaster, Widow B obtained con- 



80 

sent of the proprietors of the Hne for George to drive the 
team, as she felt timid about riding with the man who 
had once caused her such a misfortune. The trip to Boston 
was made in safety, and at request of the widow George 
called the following morning to carry a message from her 
to his employers. The envelope contained a note thanking 
them for allowing George to drive the team to Boston, 
complimenting the latter for his politeness and the careful 
way in which he had performed all the duties assigned 
him. The note also contained the sum of twenty dollars, 
one-half of which she wished might go to George. Two 
weeks later George received a letter, the first he had ever 
received addressed to himself, although nineteen years of 
age. It was from the lady who appreciated his abstemious 
habits, thoughtfulness, faithfulness and kindness. 

This letter conveyed the information that she had pur- 
chased a carriage for the purpose of journeying more 
leisurely and as she knew of no one more faithful in caring 
for and managing horses than he, she would give him 
thirty dollars a month and present him with a traveling 
suit if he would be lier coachman. This was a rare chance 
for those days, and George immediately accepted the 
position, and had been in the employ -of the Porto Rican 
lady several months, visiting various portions of the United 
States, when in the autumn of 1822, George drove into a 
village in southern Connecticut. At this time it was with 
difficulty that George could convey his mistress to a room 
in the hotel. A physician was called, who stated that 

Mrs. B was dangerously ill. She sent for an attorney 

to assist her in executing important papers, at the conclu- 
sion of which, she called George into her room and in 
addressing him said: ''I am aware that you were left an 
orphan when quite young and are without relatives and 
almost without friends. Your character for faithfulness 
and your goodness of disposition have caused me to become 
interested in you. My husband died seventeen years 




§3^ JSTetvspaper JSTotice ! 

THE Post- Rider through the towns of Lei- 
cester, Spencer, North Brookficld, Hard- 
wick, «fco., informs those who lake the Worces- 
ler Newspapers of liim thai lie will be at the 
following places for the purpose of settling with 
ihenij viz: At Goodell's tavern in Spencor, on 
ThursdEy, Feb. 23, in the afternoon ; at the 
Store in New Worcester, on Friday, Feb. 24, 
in the forenoon ; at tlio Post Office in Leicester, 
on Friday, Fob 24, in tho afternoon ; at Rice's 
tavern in Spencer, on PViday, Feb. 24, in the 
evening ; at VV. Hill's store in Spencer, on Sat- 
urday, Feb. 25, in the forenoon; at Gary & 
Rice's store in North BrooUfi(!ld, on Sat,arday, 
Feb. 25, in the afternoon ; at Ruggles's tavern, 
in llardwick, on Monday, Feb. 27, in the fore- 
noon ; at Burgess's tavern in Hardwick, on 
5Iondny, Feb. 27, in the afternoon. 

It is now about three years since tho snb- 
Bcriber commenced carrying Newspapers on 
this Route, and there are a good many persons 
(much to their shame) who liava never paid 
liim a single cent, although they have had the 
newspaper carried to them regularly and faith- 
fully every week, rain or shino. He is now de- 
termined to have a setllemont with ai.i, who 
are in arrears ; and he hopes delinquents will 
look out that their griats don't get into tho law- 
mill, as they inevitably will unless settled im- 
mediately. DENNY S. NOYES. 

New Brainlree, Feb. 15. 



P()8T-RIDER OF 1S33. 



81 

ago, leaving me a valuable property in the West Indies 
and as I have no children or relatives and have not been 
able to find an heir in my late husband's family, I now 
by these papers, leave all I have both here and in the 
West Indies to you, believing that you will be temperate 
and honest and it will conduce to your happiness and 
respectability. Within a few hours the spirit of this true 
friend and benefactor had passed from earth, and all that 
remained was tenderly laid away in the church-yard. 
In due time George visited Porto Rico and took possession 
of his property, which he found more ample than he had 
expected. Two years later he returned on a visit to Massa- 
chusetts and married a farmer's daughter, for whom he 
had formed an attachment when driving stage, and became 
one of the most prosperous and wealthy men in Porto 
Rico. 

Post-Riders and Stage-Drivers. 

It is related by Samuel A. Drake, in his interesting 
book, "Old Landmarks of Boston," that the son of Seth 
Adams was the first post-rider from Boston to Hartford. 
The early post-riders went on horseback, and were employed 
by the government to carry messages, and subsequently 
by the early postmasters to carry letters as well as govern- 
ment messages. Still later the same term was applied 
to individuals who established private routes of their 
own, for carrying letters and periodicals, buying their 
papers of the publisher and supplying their customers 
with them, charging of course for their delivery. Often- 
times they went with teams to carry their heavy or bulky 
loads. 

Whether Mr. Drake referred to James Adams as the 
son of Seth, we do not know, but James Adams who died 
in Charlemont was employed to carry despatches, as was 
also a Mr. Hyde. 

Among the names of the early post-riders may be found 
that of Peter Rice, who was paid thirty shillings for going 



82 

express from Marlboro to Brookfield for the government 
in November, 1723. Colonel Samuel Patridge paid for 
sending despatches from Boston to Hampshire Co., 1723. 
Joseph Bennet from Boston to Portsmouth, in 1725. 
Noah Phelps of Westfield, post-rider in 1726-27; Lewis 
Bane and Lieut. Timothy Child were post-riders for the 
government; Edward Houghton of Winchester, 1787, 
succeeded David Hammond in 1787, who carried out the 
" Worcester Magazine " ; Denny S. Noyes; Joshua Thomas; 
Silas Fiske; Joseph Haskell; Ebenezer M. Ballard; John 
W. Slocomb; Leonard Patch, 1815, Worcester to Ashburn- 
ham; John Edgell, Worcester to Gardner; Hastings 
Glazier, Worcester to Sterling. 

From the long roll of reinsmen who years gone by 
held such posts of honor and responsibility, only a few 
names have been secured. There must have been many 
faithful knights of the whip, whose names we would gladly 
place on our roll, but time has obliterated all trace of them. 

Perry Chapin, who has been mentioned, drove from 
Worcester to Brookfield, 1809 to 1815, and later. Perry 
Chapin was called of Worcester, November 1, 1807, when 
he married Mary, daughter of Capt. Levi Pease, in Shrews- 
bury. He died in Worcester April 1, 1832, aged sixty- 
three years. Their son, Charles Perry Chapin, married 
Catherine, daughter of Henry Temple, for his first wife. 
He was a sign and ornamental painter, with shop on Main 
street, residence on Oak street, in 1845 to 1849, and at 
No. 8 Maple street in 1850 and 1851. The late Caleb Wall 
purchased the house of his heirs and owned it at the time 
of his death. 

Samuel Sturtevant carried mail in a sulky between 
Worcester and Brookfield. 

Ansell Tucker, 1826 to 1842, drove between Boston and 
Haverhill. Then for more than thirty-two years was a 
conductor on the Boston and Maine Railroad. All through 
his career he was especially free from accidents. 



83 

Charles Daniel Gale began driving stage in 1827, at the 
age of eighteen. During his service of thirty-two years 
he never had a passenger seriously injured, although his 
coach was overturned several times. He was born in 
Jamaica, Vt., March 15, 1809. His father, Daniel E. 
Gale, died in 1817, and the widow, whose maiden name 
was Clarissa Ball, removed with her children to Warwick, 
Franklin County, Mass., of which place both she and her 
late husband were natives. Mr. Gale's first route was 
from Brattleboro, Vt., to Athol, Mass. (one section of a 
through line to Boston). In 1828, he came to Worcester 
and drove between that place and Northampton, through 
Paxton, New Braintree, Hardwick, Greenwich, Pelham, 
Amherst and Hadley. It was called the "Cheese Line." 
Later he was employed on the line between Boston and 
Keene, N. H., and between Nashua and Lowell. In 1840, 
he again came to Worcester and drove between that town 
and Fitchburg, and later succeeded John Stiles as conductor 
on the Fitchburg Railroad, serving three years. He then 
settled on a farm in Fitchburg. But about 1877, removed 
to Spencer, where he now resides, enjoying good health, 
having just passed his ninety-fifth birthday and still quite 
active about the farm. 

All through his long and active life Mr. Gale has held 
to a strict observance of that cardinal virtue, temperance. 
He had no use for tobacco or alcoholic drinks, and wherever 
he made his home, has enjoyed the respect and confidence of 
his fellow townsmen. While in Worcester he was admitted 
within the home circle of the townspeople and took part 
in many of the prominent social events of that period, 
for he was complimented owing to his correct habits, good 
looks, gentlemanly manners, neat and tidy appearance. 
He also enjoys the distinction of having met during those 
early days some notable people. Not only Daniel Webster, 
but many prominent personages were passengers in his 
coach. He witnessed the reception given Louis Kossuth 



84 

and saw him in the procession, with Governor Levi Lincoln, 
mounted on a beautiful white horse. He saw Jenny 
Lind and listened to her sweet, charming voice, has shaken 
hands with Abraham Lincoln, General Grant and Theodore 
Roosevelt. He voted for William Henry Harrison in 
1836, and again in 1840, also later voted for his grandson 
Benjamin Harrison. In 1840, he was driver of a huge 
wagon loaded with a log cabin drawn by six gray horses 
from Winchester to Concord, New Hampshire, accom- 
panied with thirty Winchester townsmen and a generous 
supply of hard cider. He married Miss Harriet M. Moore 
of Brattleboro, Vermont, in 1850. Two sons reside on 
the farm with him at South Spencer, Mass. 

Genery Twichell, 1834. He had a livery stable on 
Market street, 1842-43. His brother Sylvanus Twichell. 

Elliott Swan, who succeeded Genery Twichell as driver 
on the line from Worcester to Brattleboro, Vt., between 
the years 1840 and 1850, many Worcester people will 
remember, for he was a resident of this place many years. 
It was his custom to leave Brattleboro at six o'clock 
in the morning with his coach and four horses. At North- 
field he was given a change of horses. On reaching Irving 
six horses were furnished for the run to Petersham. From 
the latter place to Barre four were used, but from Barre 
to Paxton six horses were again required. Worcester 
was usually reached by five o'clock in the afternoon, a 
distance of seventy miles made in eleven hours. During 
certain seasons of the j'^ear when the roads were heavy, 
lost time was made up by running the horses from Paxton 
to Worcester. Mr. Swan was a man of large frame and 
apparentl}'' possessed of great physical strength. His 
intrepidity in carrying the mail on his back across the 
Connecticut river when full of floating ice compares favor- 
ably with that of Twichell carrying the sack of letters 
from Barre to Worcester in a blinding snow-storm which 
blocked the roads for teams between the two places. 



85 

He was proprietor of the old Swan Tavern, which was a 
landmark in Washington square. He removed from there 
to his farm near Coal Mine brook. This he subsequently 
sold, and died in Spencer about seven years ago. 

Michar R. Ball, saddler by trade, father of the late Rev. 
Geo. S. Ball of Upton, was proprietor of stage line, Worcester 
to Leominster, and also to Keene, N. H., and Groton to 
Amherst, 1820-1824. 

Marcus Barrett drove between Worcester and Boston also 
Worcester and Barre. 

Abner Orcutt (of Athol). Crandall, Keene, N. H. 

Anson Johnson, William Geer, Worcester to Boston and 

Jason Temple, Worcester to Boston, 1844. Alden, 

whose brother Harvey kept tavern north of Worcester. 

Freeman Bigelow drove from East Douglas to Providence. 

James Parker, Worcester to Providence, agent, and 
subsequently conductor on B. & A. R. R. 

Anson White and Samuel Lawton, Worcester to Provi- 
dence. 

Nida Smith, Worcester to Boston (lost mail in Mill 
Brook). Freeman Smith, Charles Smith, Joel Maynard, 
drove Boston to Fitchburg. 

Nathan C. Bemis. His brother Elias Bemis. 

John C. Stiles, Worcester to Lancaster and Clinton. 
First conductor on Fitchburg Railroad. Mrs. Abbot 
Lawrence wanted to occupy a whole seat, causing a lady 
to stand. Stiles came through the car and asked her to move 
along and let the lady have half the seat, Mrs. Lawrence 
said, "Do you know who I am?" Stiles says, "No." 
She replied, "I am Mrs. Abbot Lawrence." His reply 
was, "I don't care if you are God Almighty you will move 
along and let this lady sit down." 

Baria Curtis drove from Worcester to Groton. 
se_ph JojA^Vl. Nichols, Worcester to Hubbardston. 

Austin Rockwood, Fitchburg. 

The names of other drivers who drew the lines over 



86 

New England stage teams, some of whom became proprie- 
tors of stage-lines, were: Abraham Poole, Salmon F. Perry, 
Dexter Dean, Jack Downing, Jacob Cushman, Gideon 
Southworth, Joseph Hunt, Joseph Long, Charles R, Sisson, 
William Peck, Frank Poole, William Sima, Andrew Sisson, 
George Richards, Alfred Richards, Josiah Thurston, Richard 
Sisson, Charles H. Fuller, Thomas Dunmore, Mathew T. 
Fuller, M. 0. Bradford, John A. Wilcox, Luther F. Shaw, 
Stephen D. Perry, Frank Blake, Josiah Bliss, Samuel 
Burnham, James Tudor Talcott, George G. Kilburn, Isaac 
H. Redding, Stephen R. White, Isaac Hall, Leonard Day, 
Baxter Barnes, Charles Nudd, William AspinwalL/.t'o'ti^ S Hfl)^^'*' 

Alvan Allen, grandfather of Chas. Allen, of Worcester, 
the noted civil engineer. He ran a line of stages from 
Worcester to Sturbridge and Southbridge, and became 
associated with Genery Twichell, Simeon Burt, Frederick 
Billings and others in equipping and operating various lines 
of stages running in and out of Worcester, Mass. In 
1836, he removed from Sturbridge to Worcester that he 
might better attend the demands of the company's rapidly 
growing business. The Old United States Hotel and the 
Central House were the headquarters for the company. 
While the Norwich and Worcester Railroad was in process 
of construction to the Sound, Mr. Allen held the contract 
for conveying passengers to and from Allyns Point, connect- 
ing with trains on the road. In looking after the interests 
held in the several stage-lines he made numerous journeys 
to the national capital for the purpose of securing contracts 
for carrying the United States mail. In 1845, Mr. Allen 
was engaged in the grocery business, with a store on Main 
street in Paine's new block. Two years later he became 
associated in the same trade with W. M. Brewer, under 
the style of Allen and Brewer. In 184S, he opened a 
store in Paine's Block, number two hundred thirty-six Main 
street, for the sale of pianofortes, securing about this time 
the sole agency for the sale in Worcester of the Chickering 



87 

piano. This agency he retained until his death. His 
residence was at sixteen Trumbull street, where he erected 
the first two brick buildings constructed on that street. 
In 1849, 1850 and 1858, he represented ward four in the 
City Council. In 1853, he was assistant assessor and also 
city marshal, and chosen to serve on the school committee 
in 1859, the year of his death, which occurred in December 
by accident, he being run over by the steamboat train 
on the Norwich and Worcester Railroad, while passing 
between Front and Mechanic streets. He was sixty-three 
years old at the time of his death. 

J. Hilton drove to Templeton via Princeton, 1844. 

Henry Penniman, Penniman & Eddy, Worcester to 
Millbury, 1844. 

William Hatch, Worcester and Leicester. 

Lucian B. Stone, of Worcester, afterwards street com- 
missioner and member of the board of aldermen, succeeded 
Hatch, Worcester to Leicester. 

Samuel Woodbury, Worcester to Shrewsbury. 

Cyrus Stockwell drove in and out of Worcester. 

McKenzie, on Hartford turnpike, Pascoag to 

Providence. Went to California in 1856, and drove stage 
there. 

Alexander W. Ballard, late of Spencer, drove stage 
many years. 

Rogers drove stage from Worcester. 

William P. Aldrich, Worcester to Uxbridge, 1844. 

Roswell Smith. 

William C. Clark, proprietor of line, Worcester to Keene 
and Nashua, N. H., also Lowell, Mass., 1844. He was a 
citizen of Worcester many years, owned property, corner 
Main and Mechanic streets; kept United States Hotel. 

Charles W. Estabrook. C. W. Fling. S. Carlton. 

Henry S. Mansfield of Slatersville, cashier of bank there, 
was manager of a line between Worcester and Providence; 



88 

Leonard S. Wheelock drove on this line and lived in 
Grafton. 

John Quincy Adams, also drove from Grafton. 

George Hawes, stage-driver, boarded at Central Hotel, 
1850, 1851. 

James Perry drove Uxbridge to Milford coach-and-four 
in forties and fifties. 

Simeon Butler, Worcester to Barre. He lived on Park 
street, Worcester. 

John B. White, Grafton and Worcester. 

Reuben Glazier. L. Lakin. Geo. D. Hurlbert. 

Samuel Ripley. S. Wood. H. L. Lawrence. 

Mulvin Allen. 

Elias Lovell, Worcester to Millbury; kept hotel at 
Bramanville; succeeded by his son Wm. Frank. 

Henry Salford drove on line from Boston to Providence. 
He began driving about 1825. Seven years later had 
taken a wife and was thrifty and very happy. But through 
the opening of the steam railroad he lost his position and 
became thoroughly discouraged. His wife died. The loss 
of his favorite employment so prayed upon his mind that 
in a fit of despondency took his own life in 1836. 

Simeon Burt, who was for many years prominently 
identified with the stage business in and about Worcester 
as proprietor and agent, went from Monson, about 1810, 
with Cyrus Merrick to Sturbridge, where they purchased 
the tavern which they operated in connection with their 
interests in the Worcester and Hartford line of stages. 
Prior to 1820, they sold the tavern there to D. K. Porter. 
Burt came to Worcester, where his first wife, Martha, 
died March 22, 1820, and he married October 25, 1821, 
Anna Robinson. For some years his residence was at 
100 Main street, and his place of business at 13 School 
street, where he appears to have been manager of the 
Worcester Stage Company. About 1845, he went to 
board at the United States Hotel, corner of Main and 



89 

Mechanic streets, and three years later his name disappeared 
from the Worcester Directory. 

In 1830, stages were running from Augusta, Me., to 
Savannah, Ga., 1257 miles. (Boston to Savannah, Ga.. 
1094 miles.) 

In 1789, 1790 there were 75 post-offices and 1,875 miles 
of post-roads; 1791, 89 post-offices and 1,905 miles post- 
roads; 1792, 195 post-offices and 5,642 miles post-roads; 
1793, 209 post-offices and 5,642 miles post-roads; 1794, 
450 post-offices and 11,984 miles post-roads; 1797, 554 
post-offices and 16,180 miles post-roads; 1800, 903 post- 
offices and 20,817 miles post-roads; 1815, 3,000 post-offices 
and 43,748 miles post-roads; 1820, 4,500 post-offices and 
72,492 miles post-roads; 1825, 5677 post-offices and 94,052 
miles post-roads; 1830, 8,450 post-offices and 115,176 
miles post-roads. 

1808 there was a deficit of $2,264 

1820 " " " " 48,999 

1821 " " " " 125,196 

1822 " " " " 50,082 

1823 " " " " 26,880 

1828 " " " " 26,285 

1829 " " " " 105,317 

1830 " " " " 39,809 

All other years, 1789 to 1830, inclusive, a profit from 
$1,875 to $105,336 in the year 1827. 

Just prior to the opening of the railway lines for the 
accommodation of tlie traveler, the advantages for journey- 
ing by the stage-coach had assumed not only gigantic pro- 
portions but had developed into a system of great 
utility. Travel during the early thirties between Bos- 
ton and New York was considerable, and one of the 
popular routes was by the way of Providence over the 
Citizens' Line. Timothy Gay was president of this line, 
having his headquarters at his tavern-stand in Dedham. 



90 

Thomas P. Brown was the agent in Boston with ' general 
office at the Marlboro Hotel. The company's stable and 
yard was in the rear of the old Mansion House on Milk 
street, with a front on Hawley street. 300 horses and 
a large number of coaches were used in operating this line. 
The Boston Stage ran to Providence connecting with the 
New York boat at India Point. One hundred passengers 
were often booked in one day for this ride. Their names 
being taken in the various offices located in different parts 
of the city the day before starting on the trip, nnd then re- 
ported at the central office, from which, at four o'clock in the 
morning, a special messenger was sent in a gig to wake up 
and notify the passengers to be in readiness for tlie stage 
which followed in due time to pick up its load, and by five 
o'clock the coaches were on the way to Dedham where break- 
fast was partaken at Gay's Tavern. There were frequently 
from ten to twelve coaches in a line bound for the steamer's 
wharf where they were due to arrive at half-past eleven, in 
the forenoon, a half-hour before the boat was to start. The 
stage route passed through Dedham, Walpole, Wrentham, 
Attleboro and Pawtucket. President Jackson's message was 
delivered in Boston, from Providence, during those stage- 
going days, by express riders, in two hours and forty-five 
minutes. The message was lashed around a whip handle, 
which, on arrival of the boat, was thrown to a rider who 
immediately started on his errand of delivery, passing it 
from one rider to another, who received it while riding at 
full speed. 

The Citizens' Line was not to have its own way for any 
great length of time without effort. David Homer, a mem- 
ber of the board of directors for this line, became dissatisfied 
for some reason, and withdrew from the board and going to 
Washington secured, through Stockton and Stokes, a con- 
tract to carry the mail from Boston to Providence over 
a new line. Brown, however, was equal to the occasion. 
He conceived and brought out what was termed the 



91 

United States Mail Pilot which carried but seven pas- 
sengers, six inside and one with the driver. The Pilot 
with its light load would leave Boston after breakfast and 
then reach India Point in season for passengers to take the 
New York boat, returning reach Boston more than an hour 
ahead of the heavy old style coaches, and in less than six 
months time he had driven off the new opposition line. 
But in 1834, when the Boston & Providence railroad was 
open to travel the stages were forced to retire from this 
once popular field. 



93 



THE TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS BY THE 
COLONISTS. 

It is always a source of pleasure to be able to speak well 
of the deeds of our ancestors. Much has been said and 
written, and much more will be said and written in praise 
of their noble and heroic achievements: the encomiiuns of 
a grateful and loving people have been inscribed in char- 
acters of gold to commemorate them. But if we are true 
to oui^elves and just to them, all questions shall be treated 
impartially, and the facts presented as found upon the 
time-worn pages of their history. If to err is human, 
surely we shall expect to meet with some dark spots upon 
the marvelously bright leaves of their early annals, and 
without a pulse-beat of remorse congratulate ourselves in 
being able to place our fingers upon so few points in their 
eventful career where we could wish they had performed 
their part a trifle better ; notably their treatment of those 
unfortunate, demented persons called witches, and possibly 
the Indians. 

As we stand upon the threshold of this new century, and 
look back over the annals of the centuries that are gone, 
we can more fully realize that surely the world is growing 
better, the general standard of citizenship is higher, not- 
withstanding the voice of the doubter is frequently heard. 

Gazing across the span of nearly three hundred years, 
contrasting the methods, customs and habits of our ances- 
tors with those in practice to-day, we must admit the 
general standard of life, conduct of life, treatment of our 
fellow men at home and abroad, is much higher than it 
was at the time our forefathei*s settled this country. We 
lift our hands in perfect horror and exclaim with our 
senior Senator at Washington, when we learn of similar 
acts being performed to-day by our soldiers in arms, that 
we have been in the habit of belir;dng not only right but 



94 

proper in the conduct of our forefathers, and extolled 
them for their heroism as we read how they carried on 
their war of extermination of natives of the soil they came 
to confiscate. That- our ancestors acted according to the 
highest, noblest and best wdthin them, as they saw it, there 
can be no question. Our point of view has, perhaps, 
changed from theirs with the intervening years. We 
believe we are wiser and better now, although not yet suf- 
ficiently wise to put aside the barbarous customs of war- 
fare, but we have learned to wage it more scientifically and 
with more terrible destruction to life and property, there- 
by showing progress in that direction. 

But what was the conduct of the colonists toward the 
Indians ? 

The Spaniards were first to locate this side of the Atlan- 
tic. They set the example. Other nations might have 
profited by Spanish experience had they so desired. 

At that period in our world's history church and state 
were one and inseparable, consequently the apparent or 
pretended object in extension of territory was chiefly for 
the spreading of the Gospel among the heathen, carrying 
the word of promise to the ungodly, opening the eyes of 
those who lived in total darkness toward the teachings of 
Christ, thereby to enhance the government under which 
they lived. 

When Cortez received his commission as captain general 
of New Spain, early as 1529, he was directed to give his 
principal care to the conversion of the Indians. He was to 
see that no Indians were given the Spaniards to serve 
them; that they paid such tribute to his majesty as they 
might easily afford; that there should be a good cor- 
respondence maintained between the Spaniards and the 
Indians, and no wrong offered the latter, either in their 
goods, families or persons. 

It is recorded that Bishop Don Sebastian Ramirez (act- 
ing governor under Cortez) earnestly endeavored to have 



95 

these humane instructions carried out, by which means it 
is said the country Avas much improved and all things car- 
ried on with equity to the general satisfaction of all good 
men. Laws enacted for the government of the Indies 
fully recognized the rights of the Indians to their landed 
possessions, in fact to all their rights ; and provision was 
granted them under the laws to protect themselves against 
injuries caused by the Spaniards. It was ordered when 
cattle owned by Spaniards roamed over lands cultivated by 
the Indians, whatever damage the latter sustained was to 
be appraised by the judges without solicitation of the 
Indians, that full reparation should be made for the 
injury. 

All sales or gifts of land by Indians to the Spaniards 
were to be witnessed by the attorneys of the royal 
audiences that no injustice should be done either party. It 
was commanded that the sale, grant and composition of 
lands be executed with such attention that the Indians 
should be left in possession of the full amount of lands 
belonging to them, either singly or in communities, together 
with their rivers and waters. And the lands they had 
drained or otherwise improved could in no case be sold or 
aliened. Every inducement was to be offered to encourage 
the Indians to cultivate their lands and sell the product. 
All these provisions were wise and humane. But this was 
the sugar coating. On the other hand, should the natives 
attempt to oppose the settlement of a colony, they should 
be given to understand that the intention in forming it 
was to teach them to know God and His holy law, by which 
means they were to be saved : also to preserve friendship 
with them and teach them to live in a civilized state, not to 
do them harm or take them from theii' settlements. They 
were to be convinced of this by mild means, through the 
interference of religion and priests and other persons 
appointed by the Governor, that the settlement might be 
made in peace, and with their consent. If, notwithstand- 



96 

ing, they withheld their consent, the settlers, after having 
notified them pursuant to law, should proceed to make 
their settlement without taking anything that belonged to 
the Indians, and without doing them any greater damage 
than necessary for the protection of the settlers, and to 
remove obstacles to the settlement. A> we catch the real 
meaning, it bears the same point as the dying injunction 
of the father who had been moderately successful in accum- 
ulating a stock of this world's goods: "My son," he said, 
"make money; make it honestly if you can, but make 
money. ' ' 

The Spanish government claimed the right to possession 
of the whole territory by conquest. The Indians could, 
however, continue to occupy the acreage they actually 
tilled, or what was necessary for their support. Outside 
of that was called waste lands, to which the Indians could 
have no claim. That is to say, if the Indians would remain 
quietly upon their little ranches or gardens, submit to, and 
obey the laws enacted by the Spaniards (in the making of 
which the Indian had no voice), and quietly observe the 
Spaniards gather about them, taking possession of the best 
lands within reach, leaving little or no opportunity for the 
Indian to enlarge his holdings, but of necessity remove his 
stakes many miles, should his children and grandchildren 
desire to establish homes, accept the religion and oppor- 
tunities for civilization offered by the Spaniards, they 
could live in peace. 

It would, indeed, seem a righteous exchange, for surely, 
what doth it profit a man if he gain the whole world and 
lose his own soul? 

So far as we have been able to learn, the Spanish govern- 
ment never adopted the policy of purchasing the Indian 
title to lands, although as may have been discovered from 
quotations made, they distinctly recognized such titles in 
so far as the lands they actually occupied, but when the 
lands on which the Indians had located were wanted by 



97 

the Spaniards, compensation was made by giving them 
other lands. 

The French were more skillful, cunning or diplomatic in 
their policy. They established no clearly defined ordi- 
nances relating to extinguishment of Indian titles to lands. 
(Sec. 53) Letters patent issued by Louij XV reads: Where- 
as, in the settlement of lands granted to the said company 
by these present letters, we have chiefly in view the glory 
of God by procuring the salvation of the Indian savage 
and negro inhabitants, whom we wish to be instructed in 
the true religion, the said company shall be bound to build 
churches at her expense in the places of her settlements, as 
likewise to maintain there as many approved clergymen as 
may be necessary. (Sec. 6) The said company shall be 
free in the said granted lands to negotiate and make 
alliance in our name with all nations of the land, except 
those which are dependent on the other powers of Europe. 
She may agree with them on such conditions as she may 
think fit, to settle among them and trade freely with them, 
and in case they insult her she may declare war against 
them, attack them or defend herself by means of arms, and 
negotiate with them for peace or for a truce. They could 
sell or give away lands on whatever terms they saw fit. 
The same privileges substantially were granted the Com- 
pany of One Hundred Associates, who struggled so man- 
fully under their leader, Champlain. The policy seemed 
to be when a tribe or nation agreed to come under French 
domination, the act carried also title to their lands. The 
first step was to take possession peaceably, if they could, 
but take it and settle afterward, and the French were 
quite successful in perfecting a settlement. Their custom 
was to invite representatives of the tribes to assemble at 
some designated place, where they were met by a number 
of Frenchmen who would erect a post and affix to it the 
King's Arms, and declare to those present that they had 



98 

been called together in order to be received into the King's 
protection, and in his name to take possession of all their 
lands, so that thenceforth their possessions and the King's 
should be one, to which the Indians readily agreed, for 
they were seeking an alliance for protection against that 
powerful enemy, the six nations. The French considered 
the action of joining in this ceremony absolutely passed to 
the crown the Indians possessory rights. Although no- 
where in the King's commission or in any of his grants 
was there any direct recognition of such titles, nor was 
there any provision for securing to the Indian possession of 
land necessarj^ for his use, full powers were granted the 
King's Lieutenant-general to build fortifications, declare 
war, organize armed forces to establish authority, subdue, 
subject and exact obedience from all the people of said 
countries, and to defend the said countries with all his 
power. So far as the French stated their position, it was 
the war policy : right to the soil by conquest. 

The Dutch or West India Company were rather more 
magnanimous toward the natives. Still, even with their 
feigned liberality in dealing with the Indians, there 
appears from our point of view a sharpness that we can- 
not overlook. They purchased the Island of Manhattes of 
the natives for 60 guilders, and Peter Minuet, before they 
had erected a single building, treated with them for their 
hunting grounds. Price paid M^as a trifle more than one 
dollar per thousand acres, and the record reads: "The 
Indians accepted the terms with unfeigned delight." 

The Patroons of New Netherland purchased their 
lands of the natives, and well they could afford 
to (at one dollar per thousand acres). Further- 
more, those guilders passed to the Indians would, 
doubtless, come back in trade. What good could 
the Indian gain by hoarding them? And it is recorded 
that aside from this purchase of lands, their dealings with 



99 

the Indians were much less honorable. The Dutch pur- 
chased the lands on the Connecticut River, on Long Island, 
and up the Hudson, giving articles of clothing, implements 
for hunting and fishing, clomestic utensils and personal 
ornaments. This government allowed companies and indi- 
viduals to make purchases of lands a custom that later 
caused much trouble. It is a matter of record that Govern- 
or Fletcher confirmed certain grants in the Mohawk coun- 
try that were fraudulently secured from the Indians, not- 
withstanding the protests of the latter. This same govern- 
or stated he was always ready to purchase tracts of land 
of the Indians at small price, and in doing so he was fol- 
lowing instructions from the King. 

The policy of the English government was to entirely 
ignore the Indians' possessory rights to the soil. The grants 
and charters issued are almost entirely lacking reference to 
any native population, treating the subject as if taking 
possession of a waste and uninhabited country. 

Those grants issued to her subjects, retaining rights of 
sovereignty, made her responsible for the treatment of 
the Indians. 

The great patent of New England granted absolutely 
from 40° to 48° north latitude, north and south, and from 
sea to sea, all the firm land, soil, grounds, havens, ports, 
rivers, waters, fishings, mines and minerals, but not a word 
intimating the territory was pre-occupied by natives 
(unless they be Christian people), and, of course, no word 
of solicitude for their welfare or proper treatment. 

In the charter of Charles I to Lord Baltimore, where 
reference is made to the Indian, Lord Baltimore is 
authorized to "'collect troops and wage war on the 'bar- 
barians' and other enemies who may make incursions into 
the settlements, and to pursue them even beyond the limits 
of their province, and, if God shall grant it, to vanquish 
and captivate them, the captives to put to death, or, accord- 
ing to their discretion, to save. ' ' 



100 

The charter to William Penn bears about the same lan- 
guage. From the citations it is apparent that the English 
government placed the entire treatment of the natives in 
the hands of the grantees and colonists. They, however, 
came to the conclusion the Indians had a right of occu- 
pancy which the home government ought properly to extin- 
guish by purchase, and when Charles II came into power 
he sent a commission to America for the purpose of looking 
into this matter (examine complaints, etc.). Massachu- 
setts objected to having the subject opened up, although 
some Indian claims were adjusted by purchase, but no 
settled policy came from the movement. 

Thus far I have been attempting to place before you the 
principles on which treatment toward the Indians was 
officially based. Now let us examine the course actually 
followed. 

History reveals the cruel and oppressive treatment the 
Spaniards gave the natives who first came under their 
domination. How they depopulated Hispaniola of 3,000,- 
000, and Cuba of 600,000 souls (if Indians have souls). A 
witness to their cruelty and violence writes: "They went out 
with their dogs to hunt for natives to kill. The unarmed 
savages were pursued like deer, and devoured by dogs, shot 
down and consumed in their huts, that were burned over 
their heads. ' ' And all for gold and precious stones. With 
such an introduction how could we expect otherwise than 
that the pathway of the Spaniard would be stained with 
blood and carnage until every Indian with a spark of self- 
reliance had given his life for the protection of kindred, 
home and country. 

' ' Wherever the Spaniards marched they spared no age 
or sect, nothing sacred or profane." Their bloody hands 
were not stayed until Guatimozin had been roasted on a bed 
of live coals to compel him to disclose the location of his 
treasurer, and the native Americans were compelled to sue 
for peace on bended knee. 



101 

The French met with comparatively little trouble with 
the Indians. Their conduct toward them was perhaps, on 
the whole, the most humane and just of either of the 
nationalities who planted colonies upon these American 
shores. They said to the natives, come and live with us, 
dwell under the protection of our King, accept him as your 
sovereign, and we will protect you against your enemies, 
assist in fighting your battles; buy your furs and such 
other products as you may wish to sell or exchange ; in 
return will give you money, or merchandise of all kinds, 
including guns, pistols, powder, lead, flints, anything you 
want, even fire-water. Agents were sent in various direc- 
tions hundreds of miles over the country calling attention 
to the advantages offered, encouraging the Indians to bring 
their furs and trade with the liberal, open-handed French- 
man. The latter instituted seasons for holding sales at 
Montreal, where the Indians came from all parts of the 
country within a radius of a thousand miles. These sales 
or fairs were usually held in the month of June, some- 
times lasting four or five weeks. Here the natives brought 
their furs and articles for trade, and passed the days and 
weeks in various kinds of amusements, ample opportunity, 
no doubt, being given them to not only deposit their furs, 
but also the money received for them before leaving Mon- 
treal. Nevertheless, this custom drew the Indians to the 
side of the Frenchman, whom they firmly believed was 
their true friend, inasmuch as he furnished such a delight- 
ful opportunity for their personal happiness. 

As has been stated, the English (using that term col- 
lectively) made no special provision for treating with the 
Indians, except coming well prepared with arms and 
ammunition to protect and enforce the interests granted 
them in their various charters. 

The proposition for carrying Christianity among them 
originated through goodness in the hearts of private indi- 
viduals, and the work of spreading the Gospel in that 



102 

direction was supported by self-sacrifice and the contribu- 
tions of private citizens, chiefly in England, where an 
association was formed for that object. 

The London Company found the natives at the mouth of 
the James Kiver occupying the most favorable grounds 
both for fishing and cultivation. Although the location and 
extension of the English settlement caused them to retreat 
to other places, for a time feelings of friendship contin- 
ued and exchange of traffic was carried on, to the mutual 
advantage of both parties. But the crowding process of 
the Englishman soon began to breed a feeling of distrust 
that, together with his failure to keep his promises, caused 
the Indians to break faith with him, and hostilities began; 
not, however, before a pretence had been made of purchas- 
ing the land taken by the English, the purchase being sub- 
stantially Powhatan's grant to Smith (in 1609), the place 
known as Powhatan (this chief's residence), for a "portion 
of copper" and an agreement that Smith would assist in 
protecting Powhatan from attacks of the Manakins. 

The extent of this possession is not known, and may not 
have had any defined boundary lines. This co-emption, 
hardly worthy to be called a purchase, may perhaps be 
counted a fair sample of others made. No one knew the 
extent of the land involved, while the price paid was, in a 
commercial sense, equally as indefinite. It was a trade 
admitted to have been unfair and illegal. But the Indians 
accepted it in good faith, and an interchange of trade was 
for a time carried on to the advantage of all parties. 

The enlargement of the settlement began to press upon 
the limits of the natives, causing them to become restless, 
and, finally being dissatisfied at the encroaclunents, even 
upon lands which had been secured to the Indians by 
treaty, open hostilities began, and after the massacre the 
latter were stripped of everything the English could 
secure. From that time on until 1660 outbreaks were fre- 
quent. These Indians had a few pounds of copper and the 
English had their lands. 



103 

During this year (1660) Act No. 138 was passed with 
the object of establishing better feeling between the set- 
tlers and the natives. (As it plainly states the cause of the 
trouble, allow me to quote a few lines) : 

"Whereas, the mutual discontents, complaints, jealousies 
and affairs of the English and Indians proceed chiefly 
from the violent intrusions of diverse English made into 
their lands, the governor, council and burgesses enact, or- 
dain and confirm," etc. (will not quote further). The act 
was to prevent any Englishman from purchasing any 
lands of the Indians ; all such bargains should be void, and 
all former acts covering this matter were repealed. 

That we may better understand the manner in which the 
natives were ready to welcome the settlers, let me repeat a 
few lines from an interview between Capt. John Smith and 
Powhatan. The latter said: "I am an old man and must 
soon die, and the succession must descend in order to my 
brothers, and then to my two sisters and their daughters. 
I wish their experience was equal to mine, and that your 
love to us might not be less than ours to you. Why should 
you take by force from us that which you can obtain by 
love? Why should you destroy us who have provided you 
with food? What can you gain by war? We can hide 
our provisions and fly into the woods, and then you must, 
consequently, almost famish b}" reason of wronging your 
friends. You see us unarmed and willing to supply your 
wants, if you will come in a friendlj^ manner and not with 
swords and gams as to evade an enemy. I am not so sim- 
ple as not to know it is better to eat good meat, be well, and 
sleep quietly with my women and children, to laugh and 
be merry with the English, and, being their friend, have 
copper hatchets and whatever else I want, than to fly from 
all, to lie cold in the woods, feed upon acorns, roots, and 
such trash, and to be so hunted that I cannot rest, eat, or 
sleep, and so in this miserable manner to end my miserable 
life ; and. Captain Smith, this might soon be your fate, too, 



104 

through your rashness and unadvisedness. I, therefore, 
exhort you to peaceable councils." 

This grand old chief spoke words of wisdom. Had they 
been heeded and allowed to prevail during the early life of 
the colonies, much suffering would have been averted. 

King Charles II granted Lord Baltimore full powers to 
sell, convey and dispose of the lands ceded to him under 
his charter, and no reference made to the Indian titles. 
Lord Baltimore claimed the right to enter upon and hold 
possession of any lands purchased of any Indian by any of 
his subjects, he being the only person to give titles to lands 
within his domain. 

The first lands taken up in Pennsylvania were pur- 
chased of the Indians by the Dutch and the Swedes, pur- 
chases thus far having been made more on the ground of 
policy than strict justice. But when William Penn estab- 
lished himself in his province, under his charter from 
Charles II, in 1681, he attempted to act upon the principle 
of equity in dealing with the natives within his grant. He 
knew his King had given him a title with definite metes and 
bounds. He felt no anxiety as to the extent of his posses- 
sions, but the Indians occupying that territory he was 
determined should, if possible, be satisfactorily reimbursed 
for the interest they held in it. 

He called them together in council and agreed with them 
as to the price for each section they claimed, and paid them 
the agreed condition, and when any of the chiefs insisted 
they had not received full satisfaction, he gave them more 
and took another deed. Many of those deeds overlapped 
each other, and the description given for some of the boun- 
dary lines seems decidedly ludicrous, if not very definite. 
Penn cared little for that. What he desired was to peaceably 
secure their titles, and he succeeded so well that for more 
than seventy-five years Penn and his successors enjoyed the 
confidence and friendship of the redskins. So firm and 



105 

secure was this friendship that for more than a half cen- 
tury there was not a hostile gun fired or a fort built within 
his province. 

I quote the description of the lines, that you may guess 
on the measurement : 

' ' To run two days ' journey with an horse up into the 
country as the river doth go. ' ' 

"From thence northwesterly back into the woods to 
make up two full days' journey, as far as a man can go in 
two days from the said station. ' ' 

"Backward as far as a man can ride two days with a 
horse. ' ' 

' ' Up the Delaware and extending backward to the remot- 
est bounds of the province. ' ' 

' ' So far as a horse can travel in two summer days. ' ' 
In the first payment to the Indians, made by Penn in 
1682, rum, cider and beer are among the articles men- 
tioned in the invoice, but in the one made July 30, 1685, 
those articles were omitted, but the following are mentioned : 
"200 fathoms of wampimi, 30 duffels, 30 guns, 60 
fathoms of stroud-waters, 30 kettles, 30 shirts, 20 gimlets, 
12 pairs shoes, 30 pairs stockings, 30 pairs scissors, 30 
combs, 30 axes, 30 knives, 31 tobacco tongs, 30 bars lead, 
30 pounds powder, 30 awls, 30 glasses, 30 tobacco boxes, 3 
papers beads, 44 poimds red lead, 30 pairs hawk bells, 6 
drawing knives, 6 caps, 12 hoes." 

The words quoted as having been uttered by Powhatan 
ought to convince us that he was of finer mould than a 
mere savage, and it leads to the inquiry, who were those 
beings called by some of the early writers "pagan sav- 
ages"? All writers did not describe them by the same 
terms. Much depended upon the point of view and color 
of glasses worn. 

The author of a geography and histoiy published in 
1784, an exceedingly carefully prepared work of about 900 



106 

octavo pages, evidently a standard work for its time, says 
(with a design to present facts) : "When the thirst for 
gold carried the inhabitants of Europe beyond the Atlan- 
tic, they found the inhabitants of the new world immersed 
in what they reckoned barbarity, but which, however, was 
a state of honest independence and noble simplicity. The 
natives of America were unacquainted with almost every 
European art; even agriculture itself, the most useful of 
them all, was hardly known, or cultivated very sparingly. 
The only method on which they depended for acquiring the 
necessities of life was by hunting the wild animals, which 
their mountains and forests supplied in great abundance. 
A people so employed cannot be supposed to enjoy much 
gayety of temper or high flow of spirits. The Indians, 
therefore, are in general grave, even to sadness. They have 
nothing of that giddy vivacity peculiar to some nations in 
Europe, and they despise it, being ignorant of the arts 
of amusements, of which saying trifles agreeably is one of 
the most considerable. They never speak but when they 
have something important to observe, and all their actions, 
words, and even looks are attended with some meaning. 
Their subsistence depends entirely on what they procure 
with their hands, and their lives, their honor, and every 
thing dear to them, may be lost by the smallest inattention 
to the designs of their enemies. Of necessity, the tribes or 
nations are extremely small, and live a considerable dis- 
tance apart. 

There is established in each society a certain species of 
government, which over the whole continent of America 
prevails with very little variation, because their manners 
and ways of living are nearly similar and uniform. 

Without arts, riches or luxury (the great instruments of 
subjection in polished societies) an American has no 
method by which he can render himself considerable 
among his companions, but by superiority in personal qual- 
ities of body and mind. As nature had not been very 



107 

lavish in her personal distinctions, all enjoy about the 
same education, all are pretty much equal, and will desire 
to remain so. Liberty is, therefore, the prevailing pas- 
sion of the Americans, and their government under the 
influence of this sentiment is better secured than by the 
wisest political regulations. They are very far, however, 
from despising all sorts of authority. They are attentive 
to the voice of wisdom, which experience has conferred on 
the aged, and they enlist under the banners of the chief, 
in whose valor and military address they have learned to 
repose their confidence. In every society there is to be 
considered the power of the chief and of the elders. The 
power of the chief is rather persuasive than coercive. He 
is revered as a father rather than feared as a monarch. He 
has no guards, no prisons, no officers of justice, and one 
act of ill-judged violence would put him from the throne. 
In some tribes there is a kind of hereditary nobility. It is 
age which teaches experience, and experience is the only 
source of knowledge among a barbarous people. Among 
these people business is conducted with the utmost simplic- 
ity. Heads of the families meet at the appointed place, 
where the business is discussed, and here those distin- 
guished for their eloquence or wisdom are heard; when 
the business is over, they sometimes hold a feast, in which 
nearly all the tribe joins. Where tribes are at peace, the 
behavior towards each other is of the most friendly and 
courteous manner, but if war exists, they fight with the 
most savage fury. No people carry their friendships or 
their resentments so far as they do. Indians who live in 
small societies, who see few persons, become wonderfully 
attached to those persons and cannot be deprived of them 
without being miserable. Their ideas are too narrow to 
entertain sentiments of general benevolence or ordinary 
humanity. But this very circumstance, while it makes 
them cruel and savage in w^ar, adds new force to their 



108 

particular friendships and to the common tie which binds 
together members of the tribe. 

Salmon, in his geography and astronomical grammar 
published in 1785, saj^s: "The Indians are neither so 
ignorant nor so innocent as some people have supposed 
them to be, but are a very intelligent race, quick of appre- 
hension, sudden in despatch, subtle in their dealings, 
exquisite in their inventions, and industrious in labor; no 
nation can boast better marksmen. Some tribes observe 
certain religious rites, worshipping the sun, and images as 
representing the Deity, and seem to acknowledge one 
supreme God, but do not adore Him, as they believe Him to 
be too far exalted above them. They believe in a future 
state of rewards and punishments. ' ' 

Referring to the tribe known as the Iroquois, Salmon 
says: "They are the bravest and most formidable of the 
people of North America, and at the same time the most 
humane. The Eomans never expressed a greater love for 
their country, or a greater contempt of death in the cause 
of liberty, than these people who, though lacking in advan- 
tages of education, they display a noble genius. Nor can 
any of the most polished nations boast of greater benevo- 
lence or more unfeigned hospitality." 

The white people took possession of these shores with 
drawn sabre and muskets charged with powder and ball, 
the report of which, when discharged, sent terror to the 
hearts of the natives. They fled before the pale-faces as 
chaff goes before the wind. These terrified people saw (as 
they imagined) something supernatural about these new- 
comers; they were ready to fall at their feet and extend 
the hand of true friendship. Had the whites improved 
that opportunity and held strictly to honorable dealing, 
they would have experienced very little trouble from the 
redmen. But, no; about the first thing they did after 
terrifying them by the explosion of gunpowder, was to 



109 

entice a number of them on board their vessel and sail 
away to a foreign port, and there sell them into slavery 
for £20 each. This act, woree than barbarism, was her- 
alded up and down the coast by the natives, and when 
whitemen were next seen along these shores trouble was in 
store for them ; and why not ? Who was to blame for this 
hostile reception ? 

Regarding the settlements in New England (as before 
stated), the home government left the Indians entirely in 
the hands of the settlers. 

The Plymouth Colony by mere chance located on terri- 
tory unoccupied by habitations, although possibly held in 
common as hunting grounds. Because void of inhabitants 
Massasoit freely gave them the lands they needed, no pay- 
ment being required. 

As their settlement grew, more land was wanted and 
purchased of the Indians. This word purchased should 
be accepted in a figurative sense. It is well known how 
that little colony stiniggled to provide the common necessi- 
ties of life, but in some way they were able to satisfy the 
Indians for the land they occupied, and by adopting wise 
and conciliatory measures in dealing with them, retained 
their friendship unbroken for nearly a half century, and 
until the Massachusetts Bay Colony began to dictate terms. 
With the advent of the Puritans complications with the 
natives began to multiply. The settlement at Charlestown 
was located at the solicitation of ' ' Sagamore John, ' ' but 
nearly all the other settlements were established by right 
given under their charter, it being held that the Indians 
were entitled only to such lands as they actually kept 
enclosed or under cultivation. 

Winthrop wrote: "That which is common to all is 
proper to none. This savage people ruleth over many 
lands without title or property, for they enclose no ground, 
neither have they cattle to maintain it, but remove their 
dwellings as they have occasion, or as they can prevail 



110 

against their neighbors, and why may not Christians have 
liberty to go and dwell amongst them in their waste lands 
and woods (leaving them such places as they have manured 
for their corn) as lawfully as Abraham did among the 
Sodomites? For God hath given to the sons of men a 
two-fold right to the earth. There is a natural right and 
a civil right," etc. The straight- jackets prepared for the 
Indians by the Puritans were of the following dimensions: 

No person should trade with them or employ them 
as servants without a license (1630). (This was repealed 
in 1646.) 

No Indian should enter a house without knocking 
and on Sabbath-day must go only to church (1644). 

Forbidden to pow-wow or worship false gods (1646). 

No guns or ammunition were to be sold them or guns 
large or small repaired for them without license (1637), 
and that was granted only on certainty they were friendly 
Indians. 

No boats, skiffs, or strong waters to be sold them (1633), 
or horses (1656). 

All strange Indians to be kept away from the settle- 
ments, except on training day, when the militia were on 
parade; then they were to be watched. Guards were set 
against Indian attacks (1645). 

If Indians did not return to the English all strays, the 
latter could proceed to take as many wherever found 
(1641). 

Indians living with the English were obliged to do mili- 
tary duty (1652). If they wished to be good citizens, 
lands were to be given them for a settlement (1652). 

In 1645 the deputies of Massachusetts began to talk 
about adopting measures to bring the natives to the knowl- 
edge of God, and the General Court, 1646, decided to help 
Elliot start on his Indian settlement scheme, and the fol- 
lowing year granted him £10 to go with the £20 given by 
Lady Armin for that purpose. 



Ill 

In 1634 natives were not to be allowed to shoot for the 
English, but two years later,, if the latter would pay for a 
license, the privilege might be granted. 

September, 1632, Richard Hopkins was ordered to be 
whipped and branded with a hot iron on one of his cheeks 
for "selling" pieces, powder and shot to Indians. 

In 1640 two Indian women were whipped for being 
insolent to Mrs. Weld. 

In 1646 an Indian was given a long coat and two pounds 
of tobacco for relieving a party of English and piloting 
them to their homes, they having been left on shore by De 
La Tour to find their way home from the eastern portion 
of Maine, and might have perished without the help of 
this Indian. 

In 1653 the people of Concord and Woburn wanted land 
that was being planted by the Indians. The General 
Court granted their request, and the Indians were forced 
to select another spot. 

In 1637 an Indian claiming a portion of the land where 
CharlestowTi was located was paid 36s. That same year a 
settlement Avas made for the land at Concord. The next 
year an attempt was made to satisfy the Indians for Lynn 
and Watertown, and the following year they treated with 
them for Cambridge and Boston, but no settlement is 
recorded. In 1642 land for Haverhill was purchased, con- 
sisting of a tract 6 x 14 miles square, for which £3 10s. was 
paid. Indian deeds, however, were considered of "no 
more value than the scratch of a bear's claw." Chapter 
61, Acts of the General Court June 14, 1712, reads : ' ' Order 
for encouragement of volunteers against the enemy." The 
wages of the soldiers shall be materially increased ; besides, 
a premium is offered each soldier of £60 for each male 
scalp. Statute of Massachusetts, 1722, contains the offer 
of a reward of £100 for every male Indian scalp twelve 
years and over old, and £50 for every one of such killed in 
battle. Please notice the comparative value of a twelve- 



112 

year-old Indian scalp with a 6 x 14 mile square tract of 
land. One of these scalps would buy land for 33^ towns. 

This Haverhill purchase may, perhaps, be considered a 
fair sample of other land deals made with the natives. 

Such Indians as became civilized and lived with the 
English were to have the privileges of the English. 

Was it not an astonishing attempt at generosity to offer 
those natives a plat of land which they and their fathers 
had held for untold generations, if they would transform 
themselves on brief notice into a citizen that could be meas- 
ured by the Puritan yard-stick? Non-conformity had no 
place here any more than it had on the east side of the 
Atlantic. Through the efforts of Rev. John Elliot and 
Major-general Daniel Gookin, seven Indian villages were 
established, and under their wise ministrations for a brief 
time prospered, but Philip's War brought them to a sad 
ending in nearly every instance. It was no easy matter 
for those Indians to at once adopt English customs, habits 
and religion to any considerable degree. But failing in 
those accomplishments they were not wanted, and many of 
them naturally turned toward their more liberal friends, 
the French, and when war was declared between England 
and Prance it furnished an opportunity for disaffected 
natives to seek revenge, as it was their nature to do. See- 
ing this movement on the part of Indians the English 
immediately began the attempt to recover their friendship, 
which proved a difficult task. 

You can, no doubt, recall the words of Powhatan, quoted 
a few moments ago. Let me give a later speech delivered 
at Albany, N. Y., June 27, 1754, by Canadagaia, who rep- 
resented the lower castle of the Mohawks. Addressing 
Lieutenant-governor James de Lancey of New York and 
others he said: "We are here this day by God's will and 
your Honor's order, to which place you have led us, as it 
were, by the hand. This is our old meeting-place, where, if 
we have any grievances, we can lay them open. You are 



113 

lately come to the administration and we are glad to see 
you to lay our complaints before you. We take it very 
kind you have given us this opportunity to unfold our 
minds, and will now proceed to declare our grievances. 
Brother, we shall now open our minds, and we beg you will 
take time to consider what we shall say and not give us too 
hasty an answer, or in two or three words, and then turn 
your back upon us. As you are a new governor, we beg 
you will treat us tenderly and not as the former governor 
did, who turned his back upon us before we knew he 
intended to depart, so that we had no opportunity to finish 
our business with him. The reason we desire you would 
treat us in this tender manner is because this is the place 
where we are to expect a redress of our grievances, and we 
hope all things will be so settled that we may part good 
friends. 

''Brother, we told you a little while ago that we had an 
uneasiness on our minds and we shall now tell you what it 
is. It is concerning our land. We understand that there 
are writings for all our lands so that we shall have none 
left but the very spot we live upon, and hardly that. We 
have examined amongst the elderly people who are now 
present if they have sold any of it, who deny that they ever 
have, and we earnestly desire you will take this into con- 
sideration, which will give us great satisfaction and con- 
vince us you have a friendship for us. We don't com- 
plain of those who have honestly bought the land they 
possess, or those to whom we have given any, but to some 
who have taken more than we have given them. We find 
we are very poor. We thought we had yet land round 
about us, but it is said there are writings for it all. It is 
one condition of the ancient covenant chain, that if there 
be any uneasiness on either side, or any request to be 
made, that they shall be considered with a brotherly regard, 
and we hope you will fulfill this condition on your side, as 
we shall always be ready to do on ours. ' ' 



114 

Hendrick, for the uppei' castle of the Mohawks, said: 
"Brother," addressing the Lieutenant-governor, "we had 
a message from you some time ago to meet you at this 
place where the fire burns. "We of Canajoharie met the 
messenger you sent with a letter at Colonel Johnson's, and 
as soon as we received it came down running, and the six 
nations are now here complete. Governor * * * 
Brother, we thank you for condoling our loss since last we 
met, and for wiping aw^ay our tears that we may speak 
freely, and as we do not doubt but what you have lost 
some of your great men and friends, we give you this 
string of condolence in return, that it may remove your 
sorrow, and that we may both speak freely. * * * 
Brother, we thought you would wonder why we of Cana- 
joharie staid so long. We shall now give you the reason. 
Last summer we went down to New York to make our 
complaints, and we then thought the covenant chain was 
broken because we were neglected; and when you neglect 
business, the French take advantage of it, for they are 
never quiet. 

"It seemed to us that the Governor had turned his back 
on the five nations, as if they were no more, whereas the 
French are doing all in their power to draw us over to them. 
We told the Governor last summer we blamed him for the 
neglect of the five nations, and at same time told him the 
French were drawing the five nations away to Osweegachie, 
owing to that neglect which might have been prevented if 
proper use had been made of that warning, but now we are 
afraid it is too late. We remember how it was in former 
times when we were a strong and powerful people. Col- 
onel Schuyler used frequently to come amongst us and by 
this means we were kept together. We, the Mohawks, are 
in very difficult circumstances, and are blamed for things 
behind our backs which we don't deserve. Last summer, 
when we went up with Colonel Johnson to Onondaga, and 
he made his speech to the five nations, the five nations said 



115 

they liked his speech very well, but that the Mohawks had 
made it. We are looked upon by the other nations as Col- 
onel Johnson's counselors, and supposed to hear all news 
from him, which is not the case, for Colonel Johnson does 
not receive from or impart much news to us. This is our 
reason for staying behind, for if w^e had come first, the 
other nations would have said that we made the Governor 's 
speech, and, therefore, although we were resolved to come 
we intended the other nations should go before us, that 
they might hear the Governor's speech, which we could 
hear afterwards. There are some of our people who have 
large, open ears, and talk a little broken English and 
Dutch, so that they sometimes hear what is said by the 
Christian settlers near them; and by this means we came 
to understand that we are looked upon to be a proud 
nation and, therefore, staid behind. 'Tis true and known 
we are so, and that we, the Mohawks, are the head of all 
the other nations; here they are, and must own it. But 
it was not out of pride we of Canajoharie staid behind, but 
for the reason given you. ' ' 

Five days later, Kendrick, one of the sachems, and 
brother of Abraham, also a sachem at the upper castle of 
the Mohawks, spoke as follows: 

"Brethren, Saturday last you told us that you came 
here by order of the great King, our common father, and 
in his name to renew the ancient chain of friendship 
between this and the other governments on the continent, 
and us, the six united nations; and you said, also, there 
were present commissioners from Massachusetts Bay, New 
Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania and 
Maryland, and that Virginia and Carolina desired to be 
considered also present. We rejoice that by the King's 
orders we are all met here this day, and are glad to see each 
other face to face. We are very thankful for the same, 
and we look upon the governors of South Carolina and 
Virginia as also present. (Gave a belt.) 



116 

"Brethren, we thank you in the most hearty manner for 
your condolence to us. "We also condole all your friends 
and relations who have died since our last meeting here. 
(Gave three strings of wampum.) 

"Brethren (holding up the chain belt given by the sev- 
eral governors), we return you all our grateful acknowl- 
edgments for renewing and brightening the covenant chain. 
This chain belt is of very great importance to our united 
nations and all our allies. We will, therefore, take it to 
Onondaga, where our council fire always burns, and keep 
it so securely that neither thunder nor lightning shall 
break it. There we will consult over it, and as we have 
lately added two links to it, so we will use our endeavors to 
add as many links more to it as lies in our power; and we 
hope when we show you this belt again we shall give you 
reason to rejoice at it, by your seeing the vacancies in it 
filled up. In the meantime, we desire that you will 
strengthen yourselves and bring as many into this chain 
as you possibly can. We do now solemnly renew and 
brighten the covenant chain with our brethren here pres- 
ent, and all our other absent brethren on the continent. 
Brethren, as to the accounts you have heard of our living 
dispersed from each other, it is very true. We have several 
times endeavored to draw off those our brethren who are 
settled at Oswegatie, but in vain, for the Governor of Can- 
ada is like a wicked, deluding spirit; however, as you 
desire, we shall persist in our endeavors. 

"You have asked us the reason of our living in this dis- 
persed manner. The reason is your neglecting us for 
these three years past (taking a stick and throwing it 
behind his back) ; you have thus thrown us behind your 
back and disregarded us; whereas the French are a 
subtle and vigilant people, ever using their utmost 
endeavors to seduce and bring our people over to them. 
(Gave a belt.) 

"Brethren, as to the encroachments of the French and 



117 

what you have said to us on that article in the behalf of 
our King, our father, as these matters were laid before us 
as of great importance, so we have made a strict inquiry 
amongst all our people if any of them have either sold or 
given the French leave to build the forts you mention, and 
we cannot find that either any sale has been made or leave 
has been given, but the French have gone thither without 
our consent or approbation, nor ever mentioned it to us. 
Brethren, the Governor of Virginia and the Governor of 
Canada are both quarreling about lands which belong to 
us, and such a quarrel as this may end in our destruction. 
They fight who shall have the land. The governors of 
Virginia and Pennsylvania have made paths through our 
country to trade and build houses without acquainting us 
with it; they should first have asked our consent to build 
there, as was done when Oswego was built. ( Gave a belt. ) 
Brethren, it is very true, as you told us, that the clouds 
hang heavy over us, and 'tis not very pleasant to look up, 
but we give you this belt (giving a belt) to clear away all 
clouds, that we may all live in bright sunshine and keep 
together in strict union and friendship; then we shall 
become strong and nothing can hurt us. Brethren, this, 
the ancient place of treaty, where the fire of friendship 
always used to burn, and 'tis now three years since we 
have been called to any public treaty here. 'Tis true there 
are commissioners here, but they have never invited us to 
smoke mth them, but the Indians of Canada come fre- 
quently and smoke here, which is for the sake of our 
beaver, but we hate the French Indians. We have not as 
yet confirmed the peace with them. 

' ' 'Tis your fault, brethren, that we are not strengthened 
by conquest, for we would have gone and taken Crown 
Point, but you hindered us. We had concluded to go and 
take it, but we were told it was too late and that the ice 
would not bear us. Instead of this, you burned your own 
fort at Saratoga and ran away from it, which was a shame 



118 

and a scandal to you. Look about your country and see ; 
you have no fortifications about you, no, not even to this 
city ; 'tis but one step from Canada hither, and the French 
may easily come and turn you out of your doors. Brethren, 
you desired us to speak from the bottom of our hearts, and 
we shall do it. Look about you and see all these houses 
full of beaver, and the money is all gone to Canada ; like- 
wise powder, lead and guns, which the French now make 
use of at Ohio. Brethren, the goods which go from hence 
to Oswego, go from thence to Ohio, which further enables 
the French to carry on their designs at the Ohio. 

"Brethren, you were desirous that we should open our 
minds and our hearts to you. Look at the French; they 
are men; they are fortifying everywhere, but Ave are 
ashamed to say it. You are all like women, and without 
any fortifications. ' ' 

I trust you will bear with me while I give one more 
quotation, the statement is so clear : 

The speech of the River Indians: "Fathers, we are 
greatly rejoiced to see you all here. It is by the will of 
heaven that we are met here, and we thank you for this 
opportunity of seeing you all together, as it is a long while 
since we have had such a one. 

"Fathers, who sit present here, we will just give you a 
short relation of the long friendship which has subsisted 
between the white people of this country and us. Our 
forefathers had a castle on this river; as one of them 
walked out he saw something on the river, but was at loss 
to know what it was ; he took it at first for a great fish ; he 
ran into the castle and gave notice to the other Indians. 
Two of our forefathers went to see what it was and found 
it a vessel with men in it. They immediately joined hands 
with the people in the vessel and became friends. The 
white people told them they should not come any farther 
up the river at that time, and said they would return back 
from whence they came and come again in a year's time. 



119 

According to their promise they returned back in a year's 
time and came as far up the river as where the old fort 
stood. Our forefathers invited them ashore and said to 
them, here we will give you a place to make you a town ; it 
shall be from this place up to such a stream (meaning 
where the patroons' mill now stands), and from the river 
back to the hill. Our forefathers told them though they 
were noAv a small people, they would in time multiply and 
fill up the land they had given them. After they were 
ashore sometime, some other Indians who had not seen them 
before looked fiercely at them, and our forefathers observ- 
ing it and seeing the white people so few in number, lest 
they should be destroyed took and sheltered them under 
their arms. But it turned out that those Indians did not 
desire to destroy them, but wished also to have the said 
white people for their friends. At this time we have now 
spoken of, the white people were small, but we were very 
numerous and strong. "We defended them in that low 
state, but now the case is altered. You are numerous and 
strong; we are few and weak. Therefore, we expect that 
you will do by us in these circumstances as we did by you 
in those we have just now related. We view you now as a 
very large tree, which has taken deep root in the ground, 
whose branches are spread very wide. We stand by the 
body of this tree and we look round to see if there be any 
who endeavor to hurt it, and if it should so happen that 
any are powerful enough to destroy it, we are ready to fall 
with it. (Gave a belt.) 

"Fathers, you see how early we made friendship with 
you. We tied each other in a very strong chain; that 
chain has not yet been broken. We now clean and rub 
that chain to make it brighter and stronger, and we deter- 
mine on our part that it never shall be broken, and we 
hope you will take care that neither you nor any one else 
shall break it, and we are greatly rejoiced that peace and 



120 

friendship have so long subsisted between us. (Gave a 
belt.) 

"Fathers, don't think strange at what we are about to 
say. We would say something respecting our lands. 
When the white people purchased from time to time of us 
they said they only wanted to pvirehase the low lands ; they 
told us the hilly land was good for nothing, and that it 
was full of wood and stones ; but now we see people living 
all about the hills and woods, although they have not pur- 
chased the lands. When we inquire of the people who live 
on these lands what right they have to them, they reply to 
us that we are not to be regarded, and that these lands 
belong to the King, but we were the first possessors of them, 
and when the King has paid us for them, then they may 
say they are his. 

"Hunting now is grown scarce, and we are not like to 
get our livings that way. Therefore, we hope our fathers 
will take care that we are paid for our lands, that we may 
live. ' ' ( Gave a belt, and made a present of a bundle of 
skins. ) 

It seems clear this question of land ownership became 
the chief cause of trouble between the Indians and the 
English, that the former were willing to give the latter a 
friendly welcome while few in numbers, and at a moment 
when their annihilation would have been an easy accom- 
plishment, shows the sincerity of their friendship. So 
long as the English felt uncertain of their ability to pro- 
tect themselves, they were quite careful in their treatment 
of the natives. But as their strength grew in numbers the 
crowding process began, the rights of the Indians were not 
recognized, and they were watched and hunted as thieves 
day and night. As might have been expected, they 
defended their homes from invasion, following the style of 
warfare best known to them, and against great disadvan- 
tages not only in weapons, but against the skill of trained, 
intellig*ent soldiers. There is scarcely a doubt but that 



121 

had the Indians been properly recognized and treated 
equitably, they would have remained true to the English. 
The experience in Pennsylvania with Penn, and also in the 
French colony, give us confidence to believe this. 

Therefore, we reach the conclusion that the action of the 
English towards the Indians was not such as to win their 
lasting friendship, but rather to cause them great uneasi- 
ness of mind, and also to feel they were being wrongfully 
driven from their lands, which, for untold generations, had 
been their dwelling places, the lands made sacred by num- 
berless associations, where the bones of their fathers and 
forefathers were laid to rest. To be sure, there were 
various causes, many of them comparatively trivial, which 
led to outbreaks, but this deep-seated dissatisfaction con- 
stantly came to the surface when any differences devel- 
oped, making it an easy matter to stir the smouldering 
embers into a living flame. 



122 



A STORY OF THE TRIALS ATTENDING THE 
EARLY SETTLEMENT OP JAMESTOWN. 

Sir Hiunpliry Gilbert of Compton in Devonshire, Eng- 
land, a military officer of some note who had been giving 
his attention to the subject of navigation, was conductor 
of the first English colony to America. June 11th, 1578, 
through letters patent by Queen Elizabeth, he was given 
powers to establish a colony in any remote and barbarous 
lands unoccupied by any Christian prince or people. 

It was the first charter to a colony granted by the Eng- 
lish croAvn, and by it Gilbert and his heirs were given full 
property rights in the soil of which he might take pos- 
session. 

Gilbert, with his half-brother. Sir Walter Raleigh, made 
attempts to find some barbarous lands and took possession 
of Newfoundland, but were unsuccessful in establishing 
a colony there. After wasting his fortune, Gilbert lost 
his life in the shipwreck that terminated the last under- 
taking. 

Releigh immediately took up the work with the advantage 
of his brother's experience. Securing of the Queen a 
patent March 26th, 1584, he, April 27th, sent out two 
vessels under command of Amadas and Barlow on a pro- 
specting tour, to visit the countries where he proposed to 
settle and report on their climate, soil and productions. 
It was a wise measure, and adopted with the hope of avoid- 
ing, if possible, Gilbert's blunder. Amadas and Barlow 
reachecJ the shores of what is now North Carolina, by the 
way of the Canaries, West Indies and Florida. After 
trading with the natives and getting some idea of the 
country, they returned to England September 15tli, ac- 
companied by two Indians. Their report of the country 
proved so flattering the Queen gave it the name "Virginia. ' ' 
Raleigh at once fitted out seven ships under command of 
Sir Richard Greenville, a man of very high standing and 



123 

of unquestioned courage. These vessels proceeded by the 
way of the West Indies, and the colony, consisting of 108 
persons, was planted on Koanoke Island, Aug 25. 

Influenced by the dazzling report of discoveries by the 
Spaniards, these Englishmen gave all their time and 
strength to hunting for pearl fisheries and mines of gold, 
silver and other minerals, to the neglect of planting their 
fields for providing food for the colony. The cunning 
Indians soon observed that the chief object of the English- 
man's visit was to obtain riches, and began to allure them 
in various ways. When this was realized by the English- 
men, they became enraged and trouble soon appeared. 
Bad feeling was engendered on both sides, and the aid that 
was expected from the natives was withheld. Nine months 
of the time had been consumed prospecting for rich mines. 
Raleigh's scanty means at home delayed his sending the 
promised and much needed supplies, and the colony was 
in sore distress for food when Sir Francis Drake with his 
fleet appeared ofi" the coast June 1, 1586. But just at the 
moment when aid seemed to be within reach, a storm arose and 
dashed in pieces many of the vessels laden for their relief. At 
the most earnest request of the colonists, Drake took them 
on board the ships that outrode the storm and returned to 
England June 19. As compensation for this costly ex- 
perience, a somewhat better knowledge had been obtained 
of the climate, products of the soil, customs and habits of 
the natives, also the art of using tobacco had been dis- 
covered; and rather than have his undertaking result in 
seeming failure, Raleigh with some of the fashionable 
young men of his time inaugurated the habit of smoking 
tobacco, and from that moment to the present the degree 
of culture for many young men among nearly all nations 
has been tested by their skill in this art of burning tobacco. 
For the protection of her young men England passed a 
law forbidding the use of tobacco, but the act helped to 
arouse curiosity and its use was cultivated more widely. 



124 

A few days after the settlement at Roanoke had been 
abandoned, a vessel loaded with supplies, sent out by 
Raleigh, reached that island, to find everj^hing deserted. 
There seeming to be no better alternative, the captain 
returned to England. A short time afterward Sir Richard 
Greenville arrived with three ships, only to find that the 
colony had disappeared. Failing to discover any trace 
of the missing men, he left fifteen of his crew to hold pos- 
session of the island, and returned to England. 

Raleigh still retained his courage for planting a colony 
in America. Early the following year (1587), he fitted 
out three ships, under Captain John White, having on 
board a larger number of persons than on his previous 
venture. Arriving at Roanoke, they were discouraged to 
find the country covered with heavy forests, and believing 
they were not fully supplied to meet the requirements of 
a settlement, they demanded of White that he return with 
them to England, which he did, to find Philip II about 
to invade that country. Raleigh, Greenville and the rest 
were now (1588) needed at home to help preserve the 
honor and dignity of the realm, therefore the far-off col- 
ony (of fifteen souls) was left to languish at the mercy of 
the savages. 

Although Raleigh was a man of no meagre talent, he 
appears to have been somewhat visionary, and wont to 
assume undertakings too vast for his powers of execution, 
and turning attention to other matters failed to again 
attempt his colonization scheme in America. Assigning 
in March, 1596, all his rights in the soil of Virginia to Sir 
Thomas Smith and a company of merchants in London, 
a certain amount of trading with the natives was continued. 
But no further attempt to plant a colony was made until 
after Bartholomew Gosnold in 1602 or 3 sighted and named 
Cape Cod, Martha's Vineyard and Elizabeth's Island. 
The flattering report he carried back to England awak- 
ened throughout the realm a deep interest in this hitherto 



125 

mysterious country, and various plans for colonization 
began to be developed. The merchants of Bristol sent out 
a ship, also the Earl of Southampton, and Lord Arundel 
of Wardour, for the purpase of verifying Gosnold's ac- 
count of the country. 

April 10, 1616, King James authorized Sir Thomas 
Gates, Sir George Summers, Richard Hakluyt and their 
associates, mostly residents of London, to settle any portion 
of South Virginia, granting right to a tract of land fifty 
miles north and south on the coast and extending 100 
miles into the interior. The charter given was for trad- 
ing purposes, allowing the company to have a seal and to 
act as a body politic. The supreme government, however, 
of the colony was to be vested in a council appointed by 
the King and resident in England. A subordinate council 
was also provided for, to be named by the King, to be res- 
ident in the colony, but to act on instructions. Special 
concessions were added to encourage persons to settle 
there. All necessary articles could be imported from Eng- 
land to the colony for seven years without duties. Liberty 
was given to trade with other nations, and the duty levied 
for twenty-one years on all foreign trade was to be used 
as a fund for the benefit of the colony, and consent was 
given for those of his subjects who desired to settle in this 
new country to do so. Although many stipulations were 
favorable for the settler, the chief management and con- 
trol of the colony was still to be in the hands of the crown 
of England, thus depriving the settler of his rights as a 
freeman. Under such liberties and under such restrictions 
the first permanent English settlements were established 
in America. 

Among the 105 men who went with Captain Newport 
who sailed from England Dec. 19, 1606, for South Vir- 
ginia, were several persons of considerable prominence. 
They reached the American coast by the way of the West 
Indies, April 26, 1607. Proceeding up the river Powhatan, 



126 

which Newport called the James, they laid the founda- 
tions of Jamestown. During' the long voyage of four 
months in making their journey, bitter opposition and 
even hatred had been engendered among the leaders in 
the expedition, and about their first act after making 
their landing was to exclude Captain John Smith, who 
had received his appointment from the crown, from serv- 
ing in the local council. Discord in the settlement con- 
tinued, each party having its friends and sympathizers; 
but the necessities and exigencies that followed soon 
brought them together, cementing them into one bond of 
brotherhood for protection against attacks from Indians 
and the unwelcome prospect of possible starvation. June 
15 the vessels started on their return to England, leaving 
a short supply of food for the colony. Even that proved 
in bad condition and so unwholesome that much sickness 
and death resulted from its use. Captain Smith's previous 
experience as a soldier, together with his constitutional 
vigor, enabled him to successfully withstand the hardships 
and exposure that brought death to half the number of 
his associates, while the physical condition of those remain- 
ing was so shattered by disease that every person able to 
bear arms was needed to repel invasions by the natives, 
who were cunning enough to attempt to profit by the 
weakened condition of the colonists. With possible anni- 
hilation awaiting the little colony, Smith Avas called to 
assume command. His first work was to surround the 
village with a stockade, then at the head of a detachment 
of men he marched upon the enemy, making fearless at- 
tacks upon those tribes that failed to enter into bonds of 
peace with him, and was soon able to secure through 
peaceably disposed tribes considerable toward a winter 
stock of provisions. Thus through Smith's efforts a degree 
of confidence and contentment settled over the little vil- 
lage of Jamestown. But the respite was brief. Smith, 
while executing one of his incursions into the Indian 



127 

country, was surprised by a superior force, and after mak- 
ing gallant resistance, feeling obliged to surrender, at- 
tempted to secrete himself by wading into a swamp. 
Although only his head was out of water, he was discov- 
ered and dragged from his slimy bath, when soon followed 
that scene in the drama where the daughter of Powhatan 
enacted her part so well in that famous role of which you 
are all no doubt familiar. 

On Captain Smith's return to Jamestown, only thirty- 
eight out of the 105 persons were left to represent the 
colony, and they were in a thoroughly demoralized condi- 
tion, planning a return to England. It was with great 
difficulty that he prevailed on them to remain and await 
the arrival of supplies from home. Finally order and con- 
fidence was once more restored. 

Another chapter of discouragements soon overtook the 
colony, in the guise of flattering riches. In the bed of a 
small stream that found its way into the great river, was 
discovered what they called gold. According to tJteir 
tests it was pronounced the very article which since time 
began has led men to forsake home, wife, children and all 
that is dear to recover it. It was the shibboleth that 
brought those men out from old England, and every one 
of those Englishmen went to digging in that glittering 
sand, supposing that at last their fortunes were made. 
They neglected to plant their gardens or provide for grow- 
ing crops to supply their tables, so intent were they in 
loading one of the vessels with this yellow sand and start- 
ing it for England. 

Thus far the colony had not succeeded in attracting to 
itself any considerable number of influential men, owing, 
it was thought, to certain restrictions in its charter, and 
when that fact was explained to the King, he, on May 23, 
1609, issued a new one in which he abolished the council 
resident in Virginia and vested the entire government in 
the council at London, who were to be elected by the pro- 



128 

prietors of the company, and also extended the boundaries 
of the colony. Lord Delaware was made governor and 
captain general; Sir Thomas Gates, lieutenant-general, and 
Sir George Summers, admiral. Gates and Summers left 
England for Virginia with nine ships and 500 men. On 
their arrival, notice was to be given of the appointment of 
Lord Delaware as governor, and Gates and Summers were 
to assume direction of the colony until the governor should 
arrive. August 11 a violent storm cast Gates and Sum- 
mers, with their vessel, on the island of Bermuda, while 
the remaining eight ships were allowed to reach James- 
town in safety. It was the belief of those who were safely 
landed that the missing ship wath officers, papers and all 
on board had found a watery grave. The colony was dis- 
tracted. The previous form of government was declared 
at an end, but there was no authority on w^hich to estab- 
lish another. Captain Smith, through an accidental ex- 
plosion of powder, had met with a severe injury, prevent- 
ing him from actively assuming authority, and it was found 
necessary to send him to England for more skillful treat- 
ment than could be obtained at Jamestown. Thus the 
class of wild, reckless adventurei^ Avho had been sent out 
were left to enjoy their own free will, and carried a high 
hand, simply reveling on the supplies brought from home, 
with no attempt at cultivating the soil. Soon the supplies 
were exhausted, and being harassed continuously by the 
savages they were within a few months brought to sore 
straits for food. They were forced to eat roots and berries 
and finally to devour the flesh of Indians they slew, as 
well as the bodies of their comrades who were unable to 
further withstand the terrible state of dire distress. In 
six months after the departure of Smith, only sixty persons 
survived out of the 500 he left, and those survivors could 
not have held out many days had not Gates and Summers, 
on May 23, 1610, landed at Jamestown with their associ- 
ates, having after a ten months' stay left the Bermudas 



129 

111 two barques they constructed there for the trip. The 
sorry plight in which they found the handful of nearly 
starved subjects, without knowledge of immediate relief, 
struck terror and disappointment to the hearts of Gates 
and his 150 associates. A resolution was at once made to 
abandon the settlement, and with but sixteen days' stock 
of provisions the little company steared for England, in- 
tending to pass the fishing stations on the coast of New- 
foundland for the purpose of securing further supply of 
food to last them on the remainder of their voyage to 
England. But again fortune lent her smile upon the 
undertaking. Before reaching the open sea they met 
Lord Delaware with three ships with a supply of provisions 
and a number of new settlers. A return to Jamestown was 
made and the old quarters reinhabited. Lord Delaware 
immediately turned attention to healing discords and ad- 
justing grievances, and once more the colony assumed a 
happy and prosperous aspect. Owing to climatic 
troubles, Lord Delaware was obliged to return to England 
March 28, 1611, leaving direction of the colony to Mr. 
Percy, who was superseded May 10 by Sir Thomas Dale, 
who had been given authority to rule by martial law. This 
severe measure was instituted, we presume, on account of 
the lawlessness observed by many of the settlers under 
previous governors, and the character of many of the re- 
cruits to the settlement, who, it is agreed, were not of the 
best class of citizens. 

The new system of government was extremely arbitrary, 
but Dale applied it with remarkable discretion, and satis- 
factory order and rule prevailed, while the despotic priv- 
ileges were not abused. Such promise and tranquillity 
existed in the colony that the King, March 12, 1612, con- 
firmed all former rights and privileges, extended the 
len^h of time for exemptions of duties on exports, en- 
larged property rights and jurisdiction by providing that 
all islands within 300 leagues of the coast were to belong 



130 

to Virginia. This encouraged the company to take pos- 
session of the Bermudas. About thirty thousand pounds 
in money was raised in England by lottery to cover the 
proposed expense attending this new movement. The 
right to adopt that method for raising money was granted 
the company in its charter, and is said to have been the 
first instance in the history of England where such rights 
were accorded. King James was so much annoyed by the 
House of Commons on account of this act that he after- 
ward felt compelled to recall it. The new code of regu- 
lations in the colony confined the planters to proper chan- 
nels: fields were tilled, ample crops raised to supply the 
settlement, and success followed. Dale persuaded one of 
the most powerful and hostile Indian tribes located on the 
Chickahominy River to accept James as their sovereign 
king, and adopt the title of Englishmen; to assist the 
colony in their defense against any enemy, and to furnish 
the colony annually a given amount of corn. The marriage 
of Rolfe and Pocahontas soon followed, an event that 
helped to increase and strengthen the friendly feeling 
then existing between the English and the natives. Other 
daughters from this friendly tribe were offered in mar- 
riage to the colonists, and being rejected, there sprang up 
a feeling of distrust, a lack of confidence, which finally 
grew to unfriendliness on the part of the natives. 

Thus far individual property rights had not been fully 
established ; planting and tilling of the land had been done 
by joint labor; the crops, or proceeds of that labor, were 
garnered into the common storehouse and served weekly 
to each family according to their number and needs. With 
the hope of encouraging thrift among the settlers. Dale 
plotted a portion of land and granted individual owner- 
ship to the several lots. This experiment proved of benefit, 
as it encouraged individual industry and gave opportunity 
for each person to choose his crop to cultivate. 

As all the colonists were there for gold, and wished to 



131 

secure it at the earliest possible moment, they selected 
tobacco, that article then bringing them three shillings a 
pound in the English market. The cultivation of this 
commodity was carried to such an extent that even the 
streets of Jamestown were planted with it. So much time 
was given to tobacco that the corn fields were neglected, 
and the greatly increased demand upon the resources of 
their Indian neighbors, which were by the latter thought 
to be excessive, caused an increase of trouble from that 
quarter. The planters, however, were happy in counting 
over their flattering cash returns from the tobacco in- 
dustry, for many of them had reached the stage of easy 
circumstances, while some had become quite opulent 
through that chosen speculation. 

Only a very few women had as yet ventured to grace 
the colony with their presence. As an encouragement for 
the men to establish permanent homes, the council sent out 
a number of young women of good character, offering pre- 
miums to those who would marry them; and while' the 
covmtry was fast assuming the garb of thrift and home- 
like appearance, a Dutch ship called and sold a portion of 
her cargo of negroes to the colonists, and the field labor 
was now to be performed by slaves. 

With the coming of prosperity the settlers felt the re- 
strictions thrown about them by their present military 
form of government, and in June, 1619, Sir George Yeardly 
called the first General Assembly ever held in Virginia, to 
see what might be done for their relief from the strictures 
imposed thereby. Eleven corporations were represented 
at this convention. July 24 they issued a charter or ordi- 
nance giving a legal form of government to the colony. 
The supreme legislative authority was (after the style at 
home) an Assembly composed of representatives of the 
people, similar to House of Commons, a Council of state 
to be named by the company, with a Governor at the head. 
In both branches a majority vote was to carry, and the 



132 

Governor was given veto power, but all laws passed were 
to be ratified by the council in England. 

The colony continued to prosper rapidly, and as it 
gained in strength of numbers the boundary lines of the 
various settlements were materially extended. Thus mat- 
ters proceeded, and while the people were quietly enjoy- 
ing the prosperity so dearly purchased, Powhatan, the 
trusty sachem, who, with his tribe had shown much friend- 
liness toward the colony, having died in 1618, his successor 
in office, Opechancanough, conspicuous for his fearless 
courage and deceitfulness, and withal a revengeful dis- 
position, in order to save their lands from confiscation 
and punish the English settlers for seeming disrespect for 
native rights, planned a scheme to massacre the entire white 
population. March 22, 1620, the day set for the bloody 
work, Opechancanough sent a few of his subjects with 
venison and fruits as presents to the settlers, but the main 
object, no doubt, was to learn whether they had been ap- 
praised of his scheme. Finding all quiet and apparently 
unsuspecting, at the agreed signal the savages put in their 
destructive work ; within an hour nearly one quarter of the 
whole colony were put to death. The destruction would 
have been more complete had not word of the proposed 
attack reached a friendly Indian at Jamesto^\Ti, the even- 
ing before, when the alarm was conveyed to some of the 
nearest settlements, where the people were able to defend 
themselves against their bloodthirsty foe. In some places, 
however, not a person escaped their death-dealing blows, 
and many persons of prominence in the colony, including 
several members of the Council, were slain. This terrible 
experience drove all the survivors within the narrow limits 
of Jamestown, where they organized for a determined 
attack for retaliation. Every man took up arms against 
the Indians, and a war of extermination began and was 
conducted with relentless fury. During the summer of 
1623 there was a cessation, but in the autumn, when harvest 



133 

time eame, the attack was renewed and the tribes nearest 
the settlement were totally annihilated. The English, 
being now held in great fear, began renewing their 
habits of industry with the hope of again extending the 
boundaries of the settlement. 

Just at the moment when assistance from the home gov- 
ernment would have been opportune, the company, by 
meddling with matters in England, outside the objects 
of its organization, and lending its influence in a direc- 
tion that displeased the King, who summarily, without 
giving consideration to personal rights already conveyed 
by charter, appointed a commission May 9, 1623, to in- 
vestigate the transactions of the company and to report 
findings to the Privj^ Council. Tw^o of the principal offi- 
cers were arrested and all of the company's papers seized. 
Upon the report of that commission, the King on October 
8 informed the company that he proposed to place the 
supreme government of the colony in a governor, to be of 
his appointing, and twelve assistants, to reside in England, 
and the executive power in a council of twelve persons, 
to be appointed by the Governor and assistants, who should 
reside in Virginia; the appointment of both branches to 
be subject to the approval of the Privy Council; private 
property rights of the settlers to be deemed sacred, and 
all grants of land by former company to be confirmed by 
the new one. The King also called for the charter given 
the old company, but the company refused to surrender 
it. Neither persuasion nor threats could induce the com- 
pany to give it up. King James, however, was deter- 
mined, and November 10 ordered a writ of quo warranto 
to be issued against the company to test the validity of 
the charter in the court of the King's Bench, and sent 
persons to Virginia to secure information of the conduct 
there in the colony. Of course the King's wishes were 
recognized by the court. The charter was forfeited and 
the company dissolved June, 1624. 



134 



More than £150,000 had been expended in the at- 
tempt to plant this first English colony in America. More 
than 9000 persons had been transported to the Virginia 
shore from England to populate this settlement, of which 
less than two thousand survived at the time of the dissolu- 
tion of the old company. 

Although the King executed his purpose to dissolve the 
company of adventurers in Virginia, he still desired to 
perpetuate the colony at Jamestown, and August 26 ap- 
pointed a council of twelve persons to take temporary direc- 
tion of matters there until he could perfect a government 
better to his liking, but death put an end to his plans, 
and, leaving his son Charles I to take up the task, he 
declared the colony in Virginia to be a part of the empire 
under the crown and appointed Sir George Yeardly gov- 
ernor. 



INDEX. 



Champlain's Voyages and the Founding of Quebec and 

Montreal 

Beginnings op New England .... 
Origin and Use of Post-Roads in New England 
Treatment of the Indians by the Colonists . 
Trials Attending the Settlement of Jamestown 



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2 

25 

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122 



/ 



